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Wednesday, October 14, 2009

Pemantauan Pilihanraya Kecil Bagan Pinang-Kredibiliti Dua Agensi Kerajaan SPR dan SPRM(MACC) Dipertikaikan

Walaupun menurut Seksyen 19(1) (a) dan (b) Akta Kesalahan Pilihan Raya 1954, calon-calon yang bertanding dalam pilihan raya umum hendaklah berbelanja tidak melebihi had yang ditetapkan iaitu untuk calon Parlimen RM200,000 dan calon DUN RM100,000, tetapi setakat ini sejauh manakah SPR atau MACC memantau mana-mana calon pilihanraya agar mematuhinya.
Semenjak PU12-2008 sebanyak 9 pilihanraya kecil (PK) telah diadakan. Setiap kali ianya diadakan BN akan membelanjakan berjuta-juta ringgit di dalam bentuk perlaksanaan projek oleh BN demi untuk merasuah para pengundi. Daripada sembilan PK ini, BN telah berjaya memenangi 2 daripadanya. Dan dikedua-dua tempat di Batang Ai dan Bagan Pinang, BN telah merahsuah pengundi dan berjaya di dalam kedua-dua kawasan berkenaan. Di lubok Antu BN telah menabur projek pembangunan bernilai beratus juta ringgit di samping wang poket berjumlah ratusan ringgit untuk setiap pengundi. Di Bagan Pinang seperti yang dilaporkan oleh Sarawak Headhunter ,BN bukan hanya menggunakan wang saku serta projek pembangunan untuk membeli undi tetapi makanan kering juga turut telah digunakan.
Di sebalik bukti-bukti yang dilaporkan oleh bloggers, apakah tindakan kedua-dua ajensi kerajaan berkenaan? Sememangnya rakyat Malaysia serta dunia sedia maklum, bahawa hasrat kerajaan Najib untuk menghapuskan rasuah hanya rethoric semata-mata (tidak menghairankan kerana Najib sendiri merupakan pemimpin yang korup begitu jua kebanyakan pemimpin-pemimpin di dalam UMNO yang lain (malahan Tan Sri Isa sendiri yang baru memenangi PK Bagan Pinang merupan seorang pemimpin yang korup).
Cuba perhatikan sekiranya perkara yang sama berlaku kepada PAKATAN. Sedangkan saudara Teoh Beng Hock, hanya kerana mahu mengaitkannya dengan tuduhan rasuah bernilai kurang daripada RM 200, dia telah disiasat dengan tidak berperikemanusiaan serta menemui ajal.
Saya merasa tertarik dengan laporan yang dibuat oleh National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI) dan disiarkan di dalam Merdeka Review bertarikh 12 Okt 2009. NIEI melaporkan seperti berikut :

National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI) telah memantau perjalanan pilihanraya kecil (PRK) bagi kerusi DUN Bagan Pinang (N 31) bermula dari hari penamaan calon pada 3 Oktober sehinggalah berakhirnya proses pengundian pada 11 Oktober 2009.
Di dalam pemantauan pilihanraya, terdapat dua kaedah yakni stationary monitoring (pemantau ditugaskan untuk tunggu di setiap tempat mengundi) dan mobile monitoring (pemantau bergerak).
NIEI menggunakan kaedah mobile monitoring di mana pemantau-pemantau NIEI bergerak untuk memantau perjalanan pilihanraya di dalam kawasan N 31 bermula dari proses penamaan calon, tempoh berkempen dan hari mengundi.
Di dalam pemantauan NIEI di kerusi N 31, terdapat beberapa perkara yang telah mencemarkan PRK yang seharusnya telus, bebas dan adil. Di antaranya ialah:

1.Ketidaktelusan pengundian pos


Terdapat dakwaan bahawa senarai pengundi pos tentera yang diwartakan dan diberikan kepada calon-calon yang bertanding berbeza dari senarai pengundi pos tentera yang dipaparkan pada hari mengundi pos 8 dan 9 Oktober 2009.
Selain daripada itu, terdapat juga dakwaan bahawa terdapat pengundi-pengundi pos yang didaftarkan lebih dari satu kem serta pesara-pesara tentera masih lagi terdapat dalam daftar pengundi pos.Yang lebih menyedihkan lagi, SPR langsung tidak mengendahkan syak wasangka ini dan tidak membersihkan nama mereka dan maruah sebagai badan penggendali pilihanraya tidak dipertahankan.Oleh yang demikian, bagi memastikan proses pengundian pos tidak lagi dipertikaikan pada masa akan datang, NIEI mencadangkan agar kaedah dan prosedur pengundian pos hendaklah dikaji semula dan diubah supaya ianya telus dan diyakini oleh rakyat.
Dari pengalaman pemerhatian NIEI di luar negara, Thailand dan Filipina yang mengalami konflik ganas, pengundian secara normal digunakan bagi anggota tentera mereka. Pusat pengundian yang dikendali sepenuhnya oleh SPR - serta hak-hak yang sama bagi agen parti, pemantau tempatan dan pemerhati antrabangsa - dibuka di dalam kem-kem tentera.
Jika terdapat undi pos tentera, ianya akan dikendalikan sepenuhnya oleh SPR negara tersebut. Tidak timbul langsung kontraversi senarai nama pengundi anggota tentera di sana.

2. Rasuah politik, penyalahgunaan jentera kerajaan dan politik janji


Rasuah politik, penyalahgunaan jentera kerajaan dan politik janji masih lagi berleluasa dalam PRK N 31 Bagan Pinang. Pemberiaan projek-projek kerajaan kepada penduduk Bagan Pinang semasa tempoh berkempen dilakukan secara berleluasa. Banyak kementerian-kementerian seperti Kementerian Penerangan, Kementerian Pertanian dan Asas Tani, Kementerian Pendidikan serta Kementerian Perdagangan Dalam Negeri dan Hal Ehwal Pengguna digunakan untuk memberikan "rasuah politik" kepada pengundi Bagan Pinang secara terbuka.
Selain daripada itu, penyalahgunaan jentera kerajaan turut dilakukan secara berleluasa. Kedua-dua pihak yang bertanding dilihat menyalahgunakan harta rakyat terutama kenderaan milik kerajaan Persekutuan, Negeri dan Tempatan. Manakala UMNO-BN memonopoli dewan orang ramai, sekolah, KEMAS dan JKKK sebagai markas parti.
Amalan ini adalah satu kesalahan besar kerana seharusnya harta milik kementerian, kerajaan negeri dan pihak berkuasa tempatan tidak boleh digunakan bagi parti-parti politik yang bertanding semasa berkempen dalam pilihanraya.
Untuk memastikan pilihanraya akan datang adil kepada semua pihak yang bertanding, NIEI mencadangkan agar politik wang, janji peruntukan projek, projek kilat, salahguna jentera negara dan salahguna kemudahan awam hendaklah dihapuskan.
Di negara-negara jiran, terutamanya Thailand, Nepal dan Taiwan amalan ini diharamkan. Kesalahan bersabit dengannya akan diambil tindakan keras, iaitu SPR-nya akan membatalkan calon bersalah daripada bertanding, atau dibatalkan kemenangan mereka.
Untuk menghapuskan amalan ini, undang-undang anti rasuah politik dan penyalahgunaan harta awam hendaklah digubal seperti yang dilaksanakan di Thailand dan Taiwan.

3. Perayu undi, tukang sorak dan pengangkutan yang disediakan oleh parti politik pada hari mengundi


Amalan merayu undi dan tukang sorak telah menyebabkan ketegangan berlaku pada hari mengundi. Apabila perayu-perayu undi dari kedua-dua parti politik bersaing untuk merayu undi berhampiran dengan tempat pembuangan undi, ianya menggangu pengundi-pengundi untuk melaksanakan tanggungjawab mereka.
Selain daripada itu kemudahan pengangkutan yang disediakan oleh parti politik untuk mengangkut pengundi turut menyesakkan keadaan di hadapan tempat pembuangan undi yang biasanya dilaksanakan di sekolah.
Bagi memastikan pengundi-pengundi dapat berfikir dengan tenang sebelum masuk ke tempat pembuangan undi, NIEI menyarankan agar amalan merayu undi, tukang sorak dan penyediaan kemudahan pengangkutan untuk mengangkut pengundi dihapuskan.
Sebagai ganti, tempoh berkempen bolehlah diperpanjang seperti dua minggu bagi pilihanraya kecil dan sebulan bagi pilihanraya umum. Parti-parti politik bukan kerajaan yang sering tidak mendapat tempat di media arus perdana aktif berkempen pada hari mengundi oleh kerana tidak mendapat liputan yang adil oleh media arus perdana dan tempoh berkempen yang singkat, jika tempoh berkempen diperpanjangkan, semua pihak akan mendapat masa yang cukup untuk berkempen.
Selain daripada itu, SPR bolehlah menyediakan kenderaan untuk mengangkut pengundi seperti van, kereta dan motosikal sebagai alternatif kepada kenderaan-kenderaan yang disediakan oleh parti politik.

4. Perbelanjaan berkempen


Dalam PRK Bagan Pinang, dapat disimpulkan bahawa perbelanjaan yang digunakan untuk berkempen bagi calon BN, Isa Samad telahpun melebihi had yang ditetapkan iaitu RM 100,000 bagi calon DUN.
Menurut Seksyen 19(1) (a) dan (b) Akta Kesalahan Pilihan Raya 1954, calon-calon yang bertanding dalam pilihan raya umum hendaklah berbelanja tidak melebihi had yang ditetapkan iaitu untuk calon Parlimen RM200,000 dan calon DUN RM100,000.
Akta ini harus digubal semula dan harus menyatakan bahawa ianya termasuklah kepada parti politik yang menyokong sesuatu calon tersebut. Kerjasama dengan Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (MACC) bolehlah dilakukan untuk memperketatkan lagi pemantauan perbelanjaan kempen.

NIEI berharap agar isu-isu yang dibangkitan akan diambil perhatian serius oleh SPR agar perjalanan pilihanraya di Malaysia dapat menjadi lebih baik pada masa akan datang. Semua parti politik yang bertanding diseru agar bekerjasama bagi memastikan proses perjalanan pilihanraya di Malaysia menjadi lebih adil, telus dan saksama. Pilihanraya yang berkredibiliti akan meyakinkan lagi rakyat dengan amalan demokrasi di Malaysia.
*Kenyataan media oleh Amin Iskandar, Pengarah Eksekutif National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI) berkenaan dengan pemantauan dalam PRK Bagan Pinang (N31)

BN mungkin memanipulasi undang-undang yang mereka cipta. Tetapi mereka harus ingat bahawa mereka tidak akan berkuasa selama-lamanya. Sekiranya ini berlaku mereka akan menrima balanya dan didakwa atas undang-undang yang mereka sendiri telah cipta...
Mupok Aku

"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Sarawak natives go to court over controversial dam construction


KUCHING – Six villagers from two settlements in upper Bengoh district have gone to court in an attempt to stop the building of the planned RM310mil Bengoh dam, covering about 1,600ha.

Once completed, the dam would store about 144.1 million cubic metres of water, which will be supplied to the Batu Kitang treatment plant. This would increase the plant’s current capacity of 786 mega-litre per day (MLD) to 2,047 MLD for use by consumers in Kuching and Kota Samarahan.
However, it will also affect four settlements - Kampung Tebak Sait, Kampung Bojong Pain, Kampung Rejoi and Kampung Semban, involving some 394 families.
Villagers Simo anak Sekam, Tasek anak Ayau, Eddie anak Aheng, Bodui anak Dayu, Bungai anak Bengem and Sirus anak Jon filed a suit at the Kuching High Court registry Monday morning to stop the authorities from continuing to construct the dam, alleging it affects their native customary rights (NCR) land.

Claiming on behalf of affected families

The six filed the suit, on behalf of themselves and 25 other families, proprietors, occupiers, holders and claimants of the NCR land situated at Kampung Bojong and Kampoung Rejoi. They were accompanied by lawyer See Chee How of legal firm Baru Bian Advocates and Solicitors.
See said later that the area has now been leased to a company known as Salcrajaya Sdn Bhd, a two RM2 company with Sarawak Deputy Chief Minister Alfred Jabu listed as one of the directors.
The other director is Salcra general manager, Vasco Sibat Singkang. The six villagers filed their legal action against construction team Nain Cendera Sdn Bhd (a company linked to close associates and relatives of Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud), Kuching Division superintendent of lands and surveys, the Sarawak state government and the Government of Malaysia, to stop them from continuing the construction of the dam.
“We want a prohibitory injunction restraining the first defendant (Naim Cendera) and/or its employees, servants and/or agents from trespassing, clearing, using or occupying the NCR land,” the villagers said.
They also want a mandatory injunction against Naim Cendera to cease operations and to remove all structures and equipment as well as machinery from the land concerned.

Wrong and unlawful to complete dam

In their writ they also want the court to declare that it was wrong, illegal and unlawful of the company as well as the state and Federal governments to construct and complete the proposed dam.
The villagers also want a declaration order from the court that the contract between the Federal Government and Naim Cendera to design and construct the dam, which covers the natives’ NCR land, is unlawful, improper, unconstitutional and therefore null and void.
Alternatively, they want a declaration that the contract between Federal Government and Naim Cendera that the design and construction of the proposed project does not affect the plaintiffs’ NCR title.
The villagers claim that the construction of the dam impairs the plaintiffs’ rights to property in a manner which is discriminatory and unfair.

Against the Federal constitution

They added that it was also based on criteria which are not applicable to the right to property acquired and held by non-natives.
Further and in the alternative, they said the contract between the fourth defendant (Federal Government) and the first defendant (Naim Cendera) to design and construct the dam was unconstitutional as it was issued on violation of Article 13 of the Federal Constitution (no confiscation of property without adequate compensation.)
The villagers claim damages, exemplary damages; alternately aggravated damages, interest, costs and such further or other relief the Court deems fit and just.

The villagers use historical information and documents to back their claims.

Under the plan, families affected by the building of the dam will be resettled at an area of 3,000ha near Kampung Semadang not far from Bau.
(13 October 2009)

 
By Joseph Tawie, malaysianmirror.com

Calon tercalit dengan rasuah wang tebus maruah UMNO-BN

Akhirnya, UMNO-BN berjaya menebus maruah dengan seorang calon yang tercalit imejnya, Mohd Isa Abdul Samad apabila menamatkan kekalahan dalam pilihan raya kecil di Semenanjung Malaysia selepas 8 Mac 2008. Bekas Menteri Besar Negeri Sembilan ini kembali semula ke gelanggang politik dengan kemenangan majoriti 5,435 undi di PRK Bagan Pinang. Pakatan Rakyat bukan sahaja gagal menembusi kubu UMNO-BN ini, malah gagal untuk mengurangkan undi majoriti yang diperolehi calon UMNO-BN dalam PRU ke-12. Calon PAS-PR, Zulkefly Mohamad hanya memperolehi 2,578 undi, berbanding Isa Samad yang mengaut 8,013 undi. PRK Bagan Pinang mencatat peratus pengundian setinggi 81.65%, dengan 233 undi rosak. PRU ke-12 menyaksikan kemenangan calon UMNO-BN, Allahyarham Azman Mohd. Noor dengan 6,430 undi, sementara calon PAS, Ramli Ismail memperolehi 4,097 undi. Peratus pengundian adalah 81.59%, dengan 384 undi rosak pada ketika itu. Dengan kata lain, undi majoriti yang diperolehi UMNO-BN bertambah sebanyak 3,102 undi. Malah, PRK Bagan Pinang ini memperlihatkan sokongan melangkaui kaum terhadap calon yang pernah disabitkan kesalahan kerana terlibat dalam politik wang ini. Keputusan ini diterjemahkan oleh Isa Samad sebagai sokongan rakyat terhadap konsep "1Malaysia" yang diuar-uarkan oleh PM Najib Razak.
UMNO: Kemelut atau harapan baru?
Keputusan PRK ini biarpun memacu momentum baru kepada UMNO-BN, bahkan mewujudkan suasana yang cukup mengghairahkan menjelang Perhimpunan Agung UMNO yang bakal berlangsung dalam minggu ini. Kemenangan yang didahagakan selama 19 bulan selepas "tsunami politik" ini, semestinya disambut dengan pujian yang melimpah dalam perhimpunan UMNO. Persoalannya, apa yang akan berlaku seandainya Isa Samad dinobatkan sebagai wira yang menebus maruah UMNO? Perebutan kuasa yang bakal tercetus sememangnya tidak dapat dielakkan. Kedudukan Mohamad Hassan sebagai Menteri Besar Negeri Sembilan mungkin terguling, malah kedudukan Timbalan Presiden Muhyiddin Yassin juga mungkin tergugat. Muhyiddin Yassin, memikul tugas sebagai Pengarah Pilihan Raya BN setelah mengambil alih jawatan Timbalan Presiden UMNO. Bermula dengan PRK Bukit Gantang, Bukit Selambau, Batang Ai, Manek Urai dan berakhir di Permatang Pasir, hanya satu kemenangan dikecapi, itu pun di luar Semenanjung Malaysia. Maka, jasa kemenangan kali ini akan dikalungkan pada leher Isa Samad, terutamanya oleh penyokong setianya dalam UMNO. Apa yang lebih penting daripada itu, pencalonan dan kemenangan besar Isa Samad semestinya diterjemahkan sebagai penerimaan rakyat terhadap pemimpin yang tercalit dengan rasuah. Maka, pemimpin seperti Ali Rustam, Muhd Muhd Taib dan pemimpin-pemimpin yang pernah tercalar imej itu, mempunyai alasan yang cukup munasabah untuk bangkit semula dalam parti. Lebih-lebih lagi, penolakan rakyat dalam pilihan raya kecil sebelum ini akan dibaca sebagai "terpukau dengan janji dan pembohongan pembangkang", dan bukannya tuntutan untuk perubahan. Oleh itu, "rakyat yang kini sedar dari mimpi dan khayalan " telah kembali menyokong UMNO-BN.
Pengajaran untuk PR
Walaupun kekalahan sememangnya dijangkakan dari awal, namun kekalahan dengan majoriti yang besar tetap merupakan tamparan sengit kepada PAS-PR. PR didodoikan dengan suasana yang memberangsangkan selepas tsunami politik PRU ke-12. Kekalahan PRK Bagan Pinang pasti memberi pengajaran kepada PR dalam beberapa aspek. Pertamanya, usaha menuntut sistem pilihan raya yang adil dan bersih sebelum ini terbantut, setelah kemenangan dalam PRU ke-12. Kawasan seperti Bagan Pinang menyedarkan PR bahawa isu ketidakadilan dalam sistem pilihan raya masih belum selesai. Keduanya, PR melihat bahawa rakyat tetap akan memberi sokongan kepada PR, berdasarkan betapa buruknya BN, dan tidak mengambil kira sejauh manakah prestasi dan mutu PR. Perbalahan sesama sendiri dalam PR dianggap akan mendapat toleransi daripada rakyat kerana "ia sekadar mainan media, atau diperbesarkan oleh media". Pengundi Bagan Pinang memberi jawapan yang sememangnya di luar jangkaan PR. Persoalan kini yang wajib direnungi PR ialah, berapa lagi Bagan Pinang yang ada di Malaysia?
*Lim Hong Siang ialah Editor MerdekaReview, edisi bahasa Melayu.

Monday, October 12, 2009

Gabriel Adit The Man Of No Principle!


If Adit (Gabriel Adit) is involve in the formation of Parti Pakatan Rakyat Malaysia in Sarawak...I Lost my words and only have this for him "Adit…FU$K YOU man, You are no different from Jemut Masing the man that you hate most! But deep inside me I hope the news was not real"

Last Friday 9th October 2009,  I made the above comment in Dayak Nation . I was so frustrated,  how can the same man who few  months ago had said that  he found a perfect political vehicle in Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) today involve or instrument  in the formation of Pakatan Rakyat Malaysia party (PRM). If the news is real, following questions need to be answered: (1) What is Adit motive? I did not see any strong reason why Adit willing to form a new party a such move could jeorpardize his political carrier.  Jabu or Masing will not going to accept it  into BN fold. And if such party is with  opposition , will DAP, PAS and PKR willing to create a pack with it? 
(2) If Adit is really involve in the formation of this  new party, who is behind him? I am not able to answer question 2 eventhought some said that two disgrace ex-BN leaders were behind it. The news sound logic but why did they choose Adit in the first place? Adit is not a charasmatic leader. He is only popular in his hometown Kanowit. In Kuching he is known as Tok Janggut, the man  who frequently loitering around in  the Sports Toto outlet around Tabuan Laru .


"One of his motive ..just  guessing "

Going back to question 1 about Adit motive. Frankly I felt that Adit involvement is driven by these two motives : (a) Monetery gain - probably he has been offered by BN to weaken PR strength in Sarawak. Adit knows that his political career  is toward an end...at this moment money means a lot for him.In Perak, BN was so desperade to wrest it from Pakatan that it willing to spend  few millions ringgit in order to get three  PKR Assemblyman defection to BN. Here in Sarawak, Taib who is known as one of the richest politicians in Malaysia/Sarawak, will be willing to offer Adit with substantial amount, probably more than the amount  offered by Najib in Perak.
(b) The next reason will be more interesting. (If this is thge reason, I am salute you YB). He wants to send signal to Anwar and other PKR leaders in KL  that Iban should be given a bigger role in PKR. With its population of more than  30% of Sarawak total population, Iban should be given  a bigger role and not just a Pimpinan Negeri, a potfolio which is not very clear. Although PKR is a multi-racial party, but special attention must be given to the Iban. Iban compare to the Malay (who has been well taken care by PBB), should be give special attention. If PKR is serious to penetrate into Iban areas, they must be given with bigger role.
To YB Adit, I hope the news was not true. If it was true, I hope you still can remember on what you had  said about PKR and the reasons why you joined the party struggle. As for PKR leaders in KL, I am indoubt whether Iban can rely on PKR to fight for our struggle. I wrote about  this here.
For conclusion,  I have this for YB Adit :-

“Forget your enemies. It's your friends you frustrate that cause all the problems.”

Mupok aku

"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Saturday, October 10, 2009

MCA EGM Result - Both Ong and Chua Have To Go


"They Both Have To Go - Ong Tee Keat VS 10 Million Scandal ; Chua Soi Lek VS Sex Scandal!"

KUALA LUMPUR: The results of MCA' EGM vote have been released. Both Ong Tee Keat and Chua Soi Lek have to go.
The first resolution (no-confidence vote against Ong Tee Keat) was passed with 1,155 votes for and 1,141 votes against. There were eight spoilt votes.
Although the party constitution has not specified that a party president given the no-confidence vote must quit, Ong Tee Keat has said he would do so if he was voted out.
The second resolution (annulment of all of the presidential council's decisions on Chua Soi Lek on August 26) was also passed, with 1,204 votes for, 1,095 against and five spoilt votes, meaning Chua will have his membership, which has been frozen for four year, reinstated.
However, Chua is not able to assume his deputy presidency as the third resolution (restoration of Chua's deputy presidency) has been denied by central delegates, with 1,110 votes for and 1,184 against, ten spoilt votes.
The results were officially announced at 4.03 p.m. (MySinchew)

Mupok aku

"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Friday, October 9, 2009

Bagan Pinang By-Election-The Fight Between Quality Leader and Convicted Corrupt Leader


"To the Voters in Bagan Pinang , Let's Make the Score to 9-1"

Bagan Pinang by election is a ninth by-election since 2008 General Elections. It was triggering by the suidden demised of the BN state assemblyman Azman Mohd. Noor due to heart attack at the Seremban Specialist Centre on September 4, 2009.
The Election Commission has fixed the polling day on October 11 2009. On the nomination day on October 3, only 2 candidates submitted their nomination paper. UMNO picked their former Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar Tan Sri Isa Samad to contest the Bagan Pinang by-election.

Isa Samad currently is popular with the grassroots in UMNO but is tainted, having been suspended for three years from the party for buying votes during the 2004 party elections.PAS on September 28, 2009 named Negri Sembilan state commissioner, Zulkefly Mohamad Omar as its candidate for the Bagan Pinang state by-election.
Based on the background for both of the candidates, it is obvious the fight in Bagan Pinang is a fight of between quality and quantity. UMNO or BN is desperate to win the by-election after losing nearly all of the by-election since 2008 General Elections which it contested. So far UMNO or BN have only won one seat out of the 8 seats that they contested (most political analysis believed that BN won batang Ai by-election was contributed  by the rampant abused of power by Taib Mahmud cronies not becaused of BN actual strength).
Even though the coming election result will not effect BN simple majority in Negeri Sembilan but BN win is going to be very important to them. UMNO will do whatever it takes to win this election. For them the quality of the candidate is not important. Tan Sri Isa image has been tainted with corruption and at first was not chosen as the candidate by UMNO HQ (Please see picture) ) but due to the pressure from his supporters in Bagan Pinang, UMNO was left with no choice but to field him as their candidate. Tan Sri Isa candidacy has been opposed by Tun Dr Mahathir, Malaysian 4th Prime Minister. Mahathir in his blog Chedet, suggested that UMNO should not fielding the Negeri Sembilan ex-Chief Minister for 22 years if the party want to be seen as serious in tackling money politic. But due to Isa Samad strong grassroot support, in order to win the election UMNO was left with no choice but to nominate it corrupt leader as it candidate.
Whereas PAS has chosen Negri Sembilan PAS commissioner Zulkefly Mohamad Omar as the candidate for the Bagan Pinang. Zulkefly, who holds a Master of Science degree from Universiti Putra Malaysia, is currently the managing director of his own consultancy, L & R Enterprise Sdn Bhd. When talking to the reporters, Zulkefly said he hoped the voters would give him a chance to lead the constituency.
“We want to bring change to the state constituency. If I am elected, I will put in my best service for the rakyat, according to their needs,” he told reporters after Abdul Hadi made the announcement.

“We are contesting this seat only to bring change to the people and it is up to the wisdom of the voters to choose who they think can best bring this change,” Zulkefly said.
In term of the background, Zulkefli is scandal free and clean if compare to Isa Samad who has been tainted with corruption. If this government is sincere in combating corruption amongst the politicians or government servant,  and if we adopt the same approach with China, Tan Sri Isa should has been punished with the DEATH PENALTY!
The voters in Bagan Pinang, the D-Day is another two more days from today. Sunday, 11th October 2009 will determine whether you will be representing by PAS candidate, the corruption free leader or by UMNO leader, the man who has been proven corrupted and dirty, aand  who during his reign as the Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan had recieved "kick back" from the development projects in PD.
Being the member of one of the parti in Pakatan Rakyat, this special posting will not be completed without wishing  PAS candidate a good of luck! Lets make the score to …BukitTunggal would like to wish you a Good Luck!

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Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Tuesday, October 6, 2009

Taib Mahmud Leaves His Fate to Party


"Jabu and Iban Powerless  in PBB" - One day  I will handover my position to my deputy (Jabu)....Taib Mahmud remarks during Ming Court Crisis!

BETONG, Oct 5 2009

Sarawak Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud said he would leave it to Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) to decide whether he should retain his post of president at the next party general assembly.
Taib, 73, said as one who was loyal to the party, he could not make the decision himself as the party’s struggle was his priority.

“I have stated openly that I could step down (as PBB president) anytime, but the party asked me to wait first, so I’ve left it to the party to decide,” he said when simultaneously opening the meetings of the PBB branches at the Datuk Amar Tan Sri Stephen Kalong Ningkan’s Sports Hall, here, today.

Taib, who is also state Finance Minister and Planning and Resource Management Minister, said the Sarawak Barisan Nasional (BN) had always made leadership transformation and this was proven by the fielding of 25 per cent new faces as candidates in each state election.
He said the smooth transformation in PBB and that in the other state BN component parties in the spirit of unity, and where the elders were willing to make way for younger leaders, had been the foundation for BN’s strength in Sarawak.
Taib, who is also Balingian assemblyman, said PBB as the backbone of Sarawak BN had its own style and distinctive politics to continue serving the people and developing the state.
He said Sarawak did not need to change its government for transformation as what happened in some states in the peninsula, as its development policies had always been in tandem with national development needs.
Taib said since BN had been governing the state, it had brought about much change not only in the urban areas but the rural and remote areas as well.

“Sarawak has its own ways. Changing the government for transformation is not our style, as a government change may not bring much good but a lot of problems instead, as can be seen in some of the opposition-controlled states in the peninsula.”

Taib said besides economic development through the creation of the Sarawak Corridor for Renewable Energy (SCORE), focus was also given to capacity-building by producing more skilled manpower through educational development.
Meanwhile at the same function, Deputy Chief Minister Tan Sri Alfred Jabu, who is also PBB deputy president, said the party members gave their full support to Taib to continue leading the party.
He said the 71 PBB branches in Sarawak would also continue to support the politics of development mooted by Taib.
The support did not only come from PBB, but all the other Sarawak BN component parties, namely Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) and Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP), he added. — Bernama

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Sunday, October 4, 2009

Muslim Melanau minority rules Iban/Dayak Majority in Sarawak


"Dayak Majority rules by Melanau Minority!" - Iban-Dayak Please Wake-Up!

KUALA LUMMPUR, Oct 4 - During the first seven years of Malaysia, Sarawak was in a state of turmoil due to the strained relationship between federal and state leaders.

When the first Sarawak Chief Minister, Stephen Kalong Ningkan, pursued regional interests at the expense of the federation, federal leaders came down hard on the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) president by removing him via a constitutional coup not unlike what occurred recently in Perak except that it involved the declaration of an emergency in the state.
Ningkan was replaced by another more pliant Iban leader, Tawi Sli, from Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak (Pesaka). But being pliant, he lacked the leadership qualities that were needed to restore political stability in Sarawak. To resolve this “problem”, the Malaysian regime co-opted Muslim Melanau elites, namely Abdul Rahman Yakub (1970-1981) and later Abdul Taib Mahmud (1981-present), paving the way for an unprecedented 39 years of Sarawak Barisan Nasional (SBN) government but via Muslim Melanau strongman rule.
The federal leaders’ co-optation of the Muslim Melanau elite was aimed at cajoling and pressuring Sarawak society in order to maintain the federal govern-ment’s presence and interests there. As an extension of the federal government, the local Muslim Melanau elite were expected to fulfill the core demands of the federal leaders as a prerequisite to their continued support.
Although there was no written document stipulating the political pact between the federal and state leaders in Sarawak, the political crisis that engulfed the state during the administration of the two early Iban Chief Ministers indirectly spelt out the federal leaders’ core demands that any Sarawak Chief Minister ought to meet.
Among these demands were:

1. to safeguard national interests,
2. to maintain Malay/Muslim political dominance,
3. to ensure the ruling party’s continued dominance of state and parliamentary elections,
4. to transfer the rights to extract the state’s natural resources to the federal government,
5. to provide political stability.

Bukit Tunggal. The social contract in Sarawak-Only endorsed by Iban politicians in PBB lead by it stupid bos Jabu Numpang.

Throughout Rahman Yakub and Taib Mahmud’s administration, these Muslim Melanau elites religiously fulfilled all of these demands in order to acquire federal government endorsement of their leadership. Once these Muslim Melanau (MM) elites acquired federal endorsement, they were accorded a certain degree of autonomy to control Sarawak’s society and the state’s rich resources. With this freedom, these MM elites gradually transformed themselves into powerful local strongmen who ruled Sarawak with an iron fist. Between 1970 and 1981, Rahman commandingly strengthened his ruling party’s position (Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu – PBB) in Sarawak and built up his image as a wealthy and powerful leader.
As a political strongman, Rahman was able to achieve this feat by using a combination of repressive and accommodative measures. One of the strategies used by Rahman was to weaken SNAP and the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), both component parties of the Sarawak Barisan Nasional (SBN).
In the case of SNAP, Rahman was responsible for removing the party’s senior leader, James Wong, who was also the strongman’s staunchest critic, by detaining him under the Internal Security Act (ISA).
With Wong out of the picture, Rahman paved the way for new SNAP leaders such as Dunstan Endawie, Leo Moggie and Daniel Tajem to helm the party. These new SNAP leaders were more supportive of Rahman’s leadership, which amplified his authority within the coalition government.
Rahman further weakened SNAP’s influence in Sarawak by fielding PBB candidates in Dayak-majority seats thus reducing SNAP’s representation in the Council Negeri (State Legislative Assembly) and parliament.
Rahman’s approach in quelling the influence of SUPP was more confrontational as compared to his dealings vis-à-vis SNAP. Disappointed with the SUPP leaders’ constant criticism of his leadership, Rahman adopted two aggressive measures to subdue the Chinese-dominated party. First, Rahman refused to appoint SUPP leaders who were critical of his leadership to the Sarawak cabinet. Instead, Rahman appointed junior SUPP leaders who were not even endorsed by their party to assume Sarawak cabinet posts.
Second, Rahman weakened SUPP by allowing the Democratic Action Party (DAP) to spread its wings into Sarawak. The opposition DAP’s presence in the state thus quelled SUPP’s influence within the Chinese community.
Apart from imposing his authority in PBB and the SBN, there were two other measures undertaken by Rahman in order to buttress his position in Sarawak.First, by transforming PBB into the most formidable force within the SBN and second, by establishing a network of political-economic clients through timber politics and electoral patronage. By strengthening PBB, Rahman used the Muslim Bumiputera dominated party as a vehicle to build his power base within the ruling coalition and also among Sarawak’s population at large.
The establishment of a network of clients through timber politics and electoral patronage further fortified Rahman’s power, enabling him to form political alliances and to dominate Sarawak elections for over a decade. As a result, Rahman was able to bring ‘order’ and ‘stability’ to the former fiefdom of the Brookes, outperforming his two non-Muslim Iban predecessors who had failed to achieve the same goals during the formative years of Malaysia.
The political dominance of the MM Bumiputera strongmen-politicians continued to prevail after the retirement of Rahman in 1981 when another influential MM elite, Abdul Taib Mahmud, was appointed to succeed him.In his first seven years in office, Taib’s leadership was seriously tested by Rahman who was paradoxically responsible for Taib’s ascendancy in Sarawak politics. The uncle-nephew conflict was not only personal in nature; it was actually a struggle between two powerful strongmen who were each trying to wrest control of Sarawak’s rich natural resources and the state bureaucracy.
Occupying the state’s highest political office, Taib was able to out-manoeuvre Rahman despite the latter’s formidable influence and wealth.With a combination of the sacking of many community leaders who supported Rahman, the revocation of timber licenses owned by Rahman’s family and supporters and accommodative measures (the co-optation of formerly pro-Rahman assemblymen), Taib was able to subdue his political enemies and build new alliances within the SBN, thus allowing him to survive the most testing period of his long authoritarian rule in Sarawak. After 1987, Taib successfully consolidated Sarawak’s electorate as evident from the SBN’s domineering performance in both state and parliamentary elections throughout the 1990s and the new millennium.
Since 1981, Taib has effectively performed the role of the federal state’s representative by religiously fulfilling its demands. In return, federal leaders have endorsed Taib’s leadership along with granting him a high degree of autonomy which has allowed Taib the strongman to dominate Sarawak’s society and its rich resources.
Apart from securing the endorsement of federal leaders, Taib has employed two key strategies in ensuring the continuity of his Rajah-like rule in Sarawak.
First, the Muslim Melanau strongman has resorted to the use of development goodies as a tool to cajole and pressure the electorate. After more than three decades of politicising development, the SBN has successfully embedded the culture of developmentalism in Sarawak society, making it almost impossible for any opposition party — which does not have access to these political “goods” — to unseat the ruling coalition.
Paradoxically, this ‘politics of development’ has triggered a wave of contestation by a small number of Malay and Dayak groups who have criticised the ruling coalition’s development policies as being urban-biased and crony-centred. The importance of “development politics” in Sarawak is thus likely to persist for decades to come as development achievement in the state is still lacking. And as long as development achievement is scarce, development would remain a priceless “commodity” which the ruling party will effectively exploit as a tool to remain in power.
Second, Taib has exploited the large Sarawak civil service as a tool of extensive social control given its ability to reach into every small district in the state. Apart from that, Taib has also utilized the Sarawak civil service as a source of patronage for his cronies, clients and the people of Sarawak by providing them employment and access to state resources. Furthermore, the civil service, known locally as perentah, has long been a highly respected institution among Sarawakians especially the Muslim Bumiputera.
This has further enhanced its capability as a tool of social penetration and control. Consequently, the civil service has proven to be a highly effective tool of domination compared to the PBB. Although the Muslim Bumiputera PBB has grown stronger under Taib’s rule (with 71 divisional offices, 1,095 branch offices and 226,346 registered members), it still lacks the financial resources and the manpower to effectively bind the scattered population of Sarawak.
Moreover, the PBB, just like any other political party, normally becomes “active” only during election periods. The seasonal-nature of PBB thus has impeded any attempt to exploit the party as a vehicle of social control within Sarawak’s society. This conjuncture in Sarawak between the federal government and the two MM strongmen has over the years generated significant change among the population. Within the Muslim Bumiputera community, the most significant change affecting them after 1970 has been their increased support towards the ruling party.
Prior to the co-optation of the MM Bumiputera elites, the electorate was deeply divided with Muslim Bumiputeras supporting either Parti Negara Sarawak (PANAS) and Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak (BARJASA), the non-Muslim Bumiputera rallying behind Pesaka and SNAP, while the Chinese were divided between SUPP and Sarawak Chinese Association (SCA).
However, the MM elites who later became the strongmen of Sarawak successfully cajoled the electorate towards the SBN , transforming the state into one of the BN’s bastions.This domination, however, has not been absolute. The Chinese electorate would every now and then switch their ‘loyalty’ to the opposition DAP, depending on the issues at play. In the 2006 election, for example, the Chinese overwhelmingly gave their support to the opposition, with the DAP winning six seats while Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) secured one seat.
The non-Muslim Bumiputera community, on the other hand, is less inclined to vote for the opposition, as compared to their Chinese counterparts. Only in the 1987 and 1991 elections did the non-Muslim Bumiputera resist the ruling party by voting the then in opposition PBDS which was involved in the failed attempt (along with Rahman Yakub) to unseat the Chief Minister.
The Muslim Bumiputera are generally aligned to the SBN but there are a small number of them who have resisted the ruling party’s dominance by supporting the opposition.To these non-conformists, various factors have influenced their political choices with inequitable development as the major source of contention. Apart from that, other sources of resistance have been ethno-nationalism and the struggle for democracy which is still at its infancy.Alibaba.com - Fast & easy sourcing right from your computer
These two factors along with other localised issues (especially land related matters) have continued to challenge the ruling coalition and the MM strongmen’s attempt to dominate Sarawak’s multi-ethnic society. Thus, despite the federal government’s success in dominating Sarawak, it is imperative to note that its domination is not absolute even among the relatively docile Muslim Bumiputera.
The federal government’s strategy to rely on the MM strongmen have generated change not only in society but also in the federal government itself. To accommodate the strongmen, the federal government has been forced to transfer some of its power to these influential individuals who have exploited the state’s resources and agencies to maintain their dual positions.
As a result, the federal government’s agenda and policies have also been compromised while malpractices such as corruption and abuse of power are rampant. Some of the signs of government weaknesses are the failure of its development policies in bringing equitable growth to Sarawak’s multi-ethnic society; the widespread practice of money politics during elections; the supremacy of regionalism and localism over national issues and democratic idealism; and the widespread public perception of corruption among state leaders.
Still, it is unlikely that the MM strongmen’s rule is going to be a permanent feature of Sarawak politics. Various forces are likely to diminish the role of this powerful institution. Although responsible for elevating and sustaining the MM strongmen of Sarawak, the extensive power of the Federal government could effectively halt this arrangement arbitrarily for whatever reasons that they deem fit.
One of the ways federal leaders could displace these MM strongmen is to establish UMNO in Sarawak. Once established, PBB would be dissolved via assimilation into UMNO. The formation of Sarawak UMNO would definitely cripple the power of Muslim Melanau leaders who would lose their hitherto independent political platform (i.e. PBB) to exercise their regional power.
And the rule of the Muslim Melanau strongmen in Sarawak would certainly be ended if the federal government is led by Pakatan Rakyat (PR), which has promised to reserve the Sarawak Chief Ministership for the Iban community. The transformation of Sarawak’s society, especially the emergence of the middle class, will also play a significant role in eroding the institution of local strongmen. Like colonial-era elites, the middle class has the potential to challenge the political dominance of local strongmen through their active participation in civil society and electoral politics.
Today, civil society in Sarawak is dormant except for the active engagement of local and international environmental groups which are fighting for the land and ancestral heritage of Penans and other indigenous groups. This absence of a vibrant civil society in Sarawak is likely to be resolved as the state’s pool of middle class grows and begins to assert itself as a pressure group.
As well, the local MM strongmen would not be able to continue dominating Sarawak politics as time passes as the public’s access to alternative information especially through the advent of information communication technology grows. When the control of information is shattered, the abuse of power and malpractice of strongmen and other leaders would inevitably be in the spotlight, leading to the erosion of strongmen’s dominance.
Information communication technology via the internet is influential as it has the potential to act as a genuinely robust fourth estate long non-existent in Malaysia. For now however, the low internet access rate in Sarawak, standing at 6.8 per cent in 2006, is still effectively preventing Sarawak’s populace from receiving alternative information let alone launch a mass reform movement to challenge the strongmen. But as internet access in Sarawak grows allowing more Sarawakians to access alternative information, these informed masses will begin to put more pressure on local strongmen, leading to a possible collapse of their authoritarian rule.
These forces would thus act as an earthquake that triggers a tsunami that is big enough to sweep away not only the MM strongmen but also the entire SBN. A preposterous proposition you may think. Maybe. But again that is exactly what the sceptics said about the Pakatan Rakyat opposition chances in the historic March 8 election. — aliran.com

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"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Saturday, October 3, 2009

Fair Distribution of Developments and Fund Allocations Does Not Exist in Sarawak

On 21st August 2009, Rural and Regional Development Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal when speaks during one of the function that he attended during his official visits to Sarawak annaunced that Sarawak has been allocated RM3.7 billion by the federal government for various rural development projects from this year until 2012.



“For 2009 alone, my ministry was allocated RM103 million for housing assistance schemes in Sarawak. For power supply in rural areas, we will implement projects worth RM250 million. RM91 million will be for village roads, RM5 million for road lighting and RM90 million for water supply. All in all, my ministry is allocated almost RM500 million for projects in Sarawak,” he said.  

About one month earlier on 27 July 2009  during his visit to Sarawak, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had announced  RM 4 billion extra allocations to double the rural roads planned for Sarawak and Sabah from 750km to 1,500km.
But will these extra allocations be spent according to the plan or as it intended to, or they will only benefit the people of Betong, Mukah and Miri the hometown of Sarawak most popular three stooges Jabu, Taib and George Chan.
Barisan Nasional Sarawak without doubt is expert in diverting the allocations from Federal government for other porposes and places. If we still remember, Sekolah Teknik Betong originally was planned for Sri Aman but shifted to Betong by Jabu after the allocation was approved. SCORE (Taib blue eyes Project) has been used by Taib Mahmud  to channel Sarawak's monies/allocations from Federal Government. Such practices by these three stooges has caused the development in Sarawak not fairly distributed.
This can be seen clearly if one takes a ride/drives from Kuching to Miri. Between Balai Ringin through Sri Aman town until Jelukong, one will realise that there is no development project taking place here, compare to the development from Betong until Miri. Of these places, one should be able to tell that the development in Sarawak is only centered in SCORE zone. But what will happen to the people from P202 and N25? Do they have to wait for another 46 years until the development can reach their area? Just like what happened to the allocation for Sekolah Menengah Teknik, the additional allocation promised by Najib will be used in SCORE by Taib unless the Federal government establishes  the  mechanism to distribute the allocation.
Other than popular in diverting the allocations by Federal Government , Barisan Nasional Sarawak also
popular in diverting the Minor Rural Project (MRP) and Special Development Fund (SDF)  funds allocated to the constituencies represent by the opposition MPs to the other constituencies (of course represent by BN MPs) just like what happened to the SDF which was allocated for Bandar Kuching.  The member of parliament (MP) YB Chong Chieng Jen, during his interviewed with Borneo Post on 4th September 2009 said the SDF for Banadar Kuching Of the total, RM610,000 was allocated to NGOs, RM450,000 to surau and mosques, RM200,000 to courses for teachers and students, RM100,000 to poor students, RM90,000 to the poor and RM50,000 to JKKK for emergency projects.

“I was informed that many of the NGOs who received part of the RM610,000 are not within the parliamentary constituency of Bandar Kuching. They are, for instance, RM30,000 for an NGO in Tupong, RM15,000 one in Lawas and RM50,000 went to Mukah,” YB Chong said.


And yesterday, 2nd October 2009, A DAP supporter and voter in the Bandar Kuching parliamentary constituency has lodged a report with the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), alleging abuse of power by the state development officer in the distribution of a RM1.5mil allocation by the Federal Government to the constituency. Sim Poh Kheng, 30, alleged that the officer had used much of the allocation for other areas and as far as Limbang, Lawas and Mukah.
YB Chong, who met the press later, was fuming mad that the allocation for his constituency had allegedly been distributed by the officer to other areas.

“The annual special development fund allocated to my constituency by the Federal Government has been channeled to the state development office (at Wisma Bapa Malaysia) since 2004. These funds are given to Barisan Nasional MPs directly, but for constituencies held by the Opposition the funds have to be channeled to the state development office, an agency under the implementation coordination unit (ICU) of the Prime Minister’s Department for distribution and implementation. However, most of the funds for the Bandar Kuching parliamentary constituency have been distributed to other areas,”  he alleged, claiming that he was informed of this by Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nor Mohamed Yakcop.

Jalau MP Joseph Salang , who is also the Deputy Minister of Information, Communication and Culture, had some time ago also complained about federal funds that were meant for rural areas being diverted elsewhere.



“This money must be rightly spent as there are reasons why the money was allocated,” he said, advising state implementing agencies to follow federal directives in reference to a RM4bil allocation that has been given to upgrade rural infrastructure in Sarawak.

As I said earlier, in Sarawak it has become a normal practice to divert such funds to areas outside the constituency they were intended for. If the federal government doesn't  want to see that the additional RM4 billion allocations is not diverted to the other places for other purposes, some mechanism must be establish to control and monitor the distributions of the fund.
 
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"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Wednesday, September 30, 2009

TAIB MAHMUD AGREES WITH MAJORITY SHOULD RULES AND MINORITY MUST LEARN TO GIVE WAY" PRINCIPLE!

"Taib Mahmud Sir! This is the first time that I am in the Agreement With You....
Majority Should Rules and Minority Must Learn to Give Way Principle"
After more than 25 years holding the post of the Chief Minister of Sarawak, today is the first time that I ever read or heard that Jabu beloved Chief Minister Pehin Seri Taib Al-Mahmud saying these two noble principles for democracy; Majority should rules and minority must learn to give way. Taib Mahmud has been quoted by Borneo Post for saying those two principles when he gave advise to the parties that squabble in the formation of Dudong SUPP Branch.
Even though the advise was directed at SUPP members that involved in their party internal crisis but it is not wrong for me to say that the same principles should also applicable for Taib Mahmud political status and his position as the Chief Minister of Sarawak.
Taib Mahmud is of the ethnic Melanau descent. The Melanaus can be divided into six different groups which are: Melanau Mukah, Melanau Dalat, Melanau Oya, Melanau Matu-Daro-Rejang, Melanau Ba'ie (Bintulu) Melanau Balingian and Melanau Miri.
The latest consensus of Sarawak population showed that the population of Melanaus was about 96,000 or about 4% of the Sarawak total population of 2.5 millions people. Even though they are not majority in term of population, but they are politically strong. Democracy promotes the principle of majority should rules. But in Sarawak such priciple is not applicable. This has been proven by Melanau, despite being the minority group , they are in full control of the politic, economy, government administration and many more matters in Sarawak.
Melanau grip on power started in 1970 when Tun Rahman Yaakub took over the Chief Ministership from the late Datuk Tawi Sli, and continued when Taib mahmud took over from Rahman Yaakub in 1982. Since then all the three top posts, the Governor and the Chief Minister and the State Secretary posts have been monopolised by the Melanau. Surprisingly both Iban and Malay did not do anything about it.
By mutual agreement (eventhought the two top posts were supposed to be belong to the Iban), the Chief Minister and the Governor should be held by the Iban and the Malay respectively but as I said ealier when Taib took over as Chief Minister and followed by the infamous Ming Court incident, the mutual agreemen between Iban and Malay was not been followed anymore. The Malay and Iban were just kept quite. But why were they keeping quite?What could be the caused?
For most of the Sarawak populations, the Ming Court incident can be considered as the starting point for the Melanau control and the end of the Iban and Malay political dominance in Sarawak. Since this point and until to this date (Pehin Seri) Taib Mahmud the most powerful Chief Minister in the history of modern sarawak, started to put his own cronies to head all important government departments and business entities in Sarawak.
And to "cripple" the Iban, Taib Mahmud and his Melanau cronies implemented what they termed as a "Politic Of Development". Iban were diprieved from the mainstream development. And to weaken the dayak solidiratory, he tried to do away with the term dayak, instilled the spirit of hatred amongst them by given more development in Bidayuh majority areas compared to the areas inhibited by the Iban .
Another reason why Melanau managed to control Sarawak is through religion. Majority of Melanau are muslim. This has been manipulated by Taib Mahmud to secure the support of the Malay . So far this has been very successful...the Malay still throw their supports to Taib Mahmud and his Melanau cronies despite the fact that they are less developed compared to their Melanau counterparts.
"The robber of Iban Rights....Iban Must Get Back What is Ours From this Robber" If we strictly follow to what Taib said in Borneo Post about the basic principle of democracy : the majority should rules and the minority must learn to give way, with its total population of about 750,000 or 30% of Sarawak total population, no doubt Iban is the majority group in Sarawak. Due to the dumbness of the Iban past and present leaders, both of the posts had been robbed from us by Melanau, Taib Mahmud and Abang Muhammad Salahuddin Abang Barieng (aka Tun Sallahuddin) as the Chief Minister and Governor of Sarawak respectively. Taib Mahmud has been diagnosed with Colon cancer since January 2006 and since then he has been recieving regular treatments in Australia . His last trip to Australia was during the recent Hari Raya public holidays and just came back early of this week.
"Because of the Dumbness of our past and present leader(s) We had Lost What Were Supposed to Be Ours , To Taib Mahmud and his gang of Robbers"
Of no matter whether he made such comment while he was still under the side-effect of kimoteraphy treatment, but I am in the agreement with Pehin Sri (Dr) Haji Abdul Taib Mahmud that Majority should rules and minority must learn to give way. If he fail to practice what he had said, by all means, the Iban must take back what is ours. When I said by all means, it could be through politic or we should follow what had been done by HINDRAF…WE WILL GO TO THE STREET AND REJUVENATE OUR "AGI IDUP AGI NGELABAN" spirit!
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"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"
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