PKR Youth Slams Kulim MP Zulkifli Noordin

PETALING JAYA,
Sunday, 24th January 2010

The PKR Youth have blasted party colleague and Kulim MP Zulkifli Noordin for his police report against Shah Alam PAS MP Khalid Samad over the “Allah” issue

Describing Zulkifli’s action as “very Umno-like”, Youth leader Syamsul Iskandar called on party leaders to take stern action.

He said the act of lodging a police report and calling for Khalid to be probed for sedition had violated the spirit of the Pakatan Rakyat common framework.

“We deeply regret and are infuriated by his action which, to me, transgresses the PR common framework,” he told a press conference at the party’s headquarters here, adding that he wants PKR’s top leadership to take “stern action” against the Kulim MP.

“We dare him to come and explain before the youth wing on his action and we will send out a formal letter to him soon,” added Shamsul.

Shamsul said PKR and the youth wing have been consistent in maintaining that Islam is the country’s official religion as stated in the Federal Constitution but insisted that Zulkifli’s action was against PR’s common stand on the “Allah” issue.

PKR is a multi racial party. It fight for the rights of all Malaysian irrespective of their religions or races. Nut the actions of this MP lately did not represent the real spirit of PKR. DSAI should consider expel this MP before it is became too late to mend....Bukittunggal.com

PR, including its Islamist component PAS which is widely perceived to be conservative when it comes to religious matters , have backed the High Court ruling that allowed Catholic weekly to use “Allah” to describe the Christian God in its Bahasa Malaysia edition.

Zulkifli, known for his hardline Islamic views, had lodged a police report against the PAS man’s statement that a Selangor enactment which prohibited non-Muslims from using the word “Allah” and other Islamic terms was “outdated”.

“What he did is against the principle of musyawarah (intellectual debate),” blasted Shamsul further.

The PKR youth leader, however, did not elaborate when asked to explain the sort of disciplinary action he suggested be taken against Zulkifli.

He was also non-committal in his reply when asked if he had confidence that the party’s disciplinary committee will take any action against the Kulim MP.

“I am sure that they will look into it,” he said.

The police report against Khalid is not Zulkifli’s first “renegade” act that has placed him at odds with his party and PR as a coalition.

The Kulim MP, who was formerly with PAS, have often put himself in controversies seen detrimental to the opposition pact in the past.

One of the many examples of this was when he played a role in the demonstration against the Bar Council outside the body’s headquarters.

The protest, held by far right Umno-affiliated groups and other conservative NGOs, was organised to disrupt the Bar Council’s seminar on the jurisdiction crisis between the Syariah and the civil courts.

Despite his involvement to which he confessed of his role, no action was taken against him.

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party Is Having Internal Crisis

KUCHING
Saturday, 23rd January 2010

Four state assemblymen, one Member of Parliament and three supreme council members of the Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party walked out of the party’s supreme council meeting this afternoon when party president William Mawan named Nelson Balang Rining, the state assemblyman for Ba’Kelalan as the new secretary-general.

Elected vice-president in December's triennial delegates assembly, Balang replaces Sylvester Enteri, the state assemblyman for Marudi.

The four assemblymen who walked out were Sylvester Enteri, Peter Nansian, state assemblyman for Tasik Biru, Rosey Yunus, state assemblywoman for Bekenu and Paulus Gumbang, state assemblyman for Batu Danau.

The MP who joined the walkout was Dr Tiki Lafe of Mas Gading.

The three supreme council members were George Garai, Peter Gani and Ida Iga.

'Mawan did not keep his promise'

Garai said that they walked out in protest over the appointment of Balang as the new secretary-general and Paul Igai, political secretary to the chief minister as his deputy.

“The president promised status quo to the line-up before the party’s triennial delegates assembly, but now it appears that he has not kept his promise. He also failed to honour his promise to appoint an elected representative to be deputy secretary-general of the party,” charged Garai.

“We don’t agree with the president’s choice,” he said.

Speculation has been rife that Enteri would be replaced as the secretary-general after he was alleged to have supported Philip Ngo in challenging the incumbent deputy president Peter Nyarok in the party elections last month.

Ngo was soundly beaten in the contest.

The beginning of a split?

Although Paul Igai denied that the eight party leaders walked out in protest over Balang’s appointment as the new secretary-general, observers see the walkout as a signal of a major split in the seven-year old party.

Any split now, said a veteran politician, is sure to undermine SPDP’s chances in the coming state election. SPDP has eight seats, many of which were won on a borderline majority.

But Mawan, according to his aides, believes that Balang’s appointment is to thwart the growing influence of Baru Bian, PKR state chairman in the Ba’Kelalan constituency.

They said that the president has his own reasons in reorganizing the party, and one of them is to strengthen his own position.

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Baru Bian Advises Sarawak's natives To Stand Up For Their Rights

KUCHING

Thursday, 23rd January 2010

Sdra Baru Bian-Sarawak PKR Head

Baru Bian is a renowned Sarawak lawyer who has recently been appointed Sarawak chairman of the People's Justice party, PKR. His law office in Kuching, the state capital, is representing well over 100 land rights cases filed by native communities against the Sarawak State Government. Baru, who is a member of the native Lun Bawang community, grew up as the son of a pastor in Sarawak's interior. He studied law at the Mara Institute of Technology in West Malaysia and completed his studies in Melbourne, Australia. Baru is a father of three children and lives with his family in Kuching.

Recently, Sdra Baru Bian was interviewed by by Lukas Straumann / BMF. I would like to ask for apology from  Lukas Straumann / BMF for publishing the interview at Bukittunggal without their/his permission.

Here is the interview between Lukas Straumann / BMF ( BRUNO MANSER FUND ) and Sdra Baru Bian conducted in January 2010.

BRUNO MANSER FUND (BMF): Baru Bian, almost 50 years after independence, Sarawak's rural  inftructure in many ways remains underdeveloped, and a considerable part of the rural population is leading a life close to or even below the poverty line.What has gone wrong with Sarawak's rural development?

BARU BIAN: I think there are several reasons for this. Firstly, I believe that the federal government has neglected Sabah and Sarawak. After 47 years as part of Malaysia, Sarawak has a poverty rate comparable with some of the poorest countries in Africa. Sarawak and Sabah are the richest in natural resources within Malaysia, yet we rank among the four poorest states. It is obvious that the federal government has concentrated the country's development onWest Malaysia and has neglected Sarawak and Sabah, in spite of the fact that we are a state that produces petroleum and liquid natural gas and are rich in timber and land.We only receive five percent of the royalties from petroleum, and hence a huge share of our wealth is siphoned off toWest Malaysia. This had, in fact, been one  of the fears of the native leaders when they were asked to become part of Malaysia in 1963.

 

BMF: Does this mean the native leaders' worst fears have come true?

BARU BIAN: Yes, that has now become reality.We are living under another form of colonialism, whereby the colonial power is inWest Malaysia. This neglect by Kuala Lumpur constitutes the first point. The second point is that Kuala Lumpur considers Sabah and Sarawak to be separate states and not to be part of Malaysia. Thirdly, our local leaders are not bothered because they are under the dictate of Kuala Lumpur.

"Sarawak and Sabah are the richest in natural resources within Malaysia, yet we rank among the four poorest states. A huge share of our wealth is siphoned off to West Malaysia. We are living under another form of colonialism whereby the colonial power is in West Malaysia."

BMF: In the 1980s, industrial-scale logging was brought into the interior in the name of development. Today, Sarawak's formerly rich timber resources are almost depleted. The native communities have had little benefit from logging.Where did the profits end up?

BARU BIAN: It is public knowledge that most of the profits went to timber tycoons who are involved in the timber business and to certain individuals – the political leaders who issued the licences. The revenues of our timber resources are all being siphoned off overseas and are not being brought back to Sarawak.

BMF: Some political observers are suggesting that Taib Mahmud has made himself into one of the richest men of South-East Asia during his 28 years as Chief Minister of Sarawak. Do you think this is plausible?

BARU BIAN: Yes, I think it is public knowledge that he is extremely rich. I remember an article written by Doctor Andrew Areia from UNIMAS in the Aliran magazine in 2008, and he talks about billions of dollars.

"It is public knowledge that most of the profits from logging went to timber tycoons who are involved in the timber business and to certain individuals - the political leaders who issued the licences. The revenues of our timber resources are all being siphoned off overseas and are not being brought back to Sarawak."

BMF: Can you tell us what Taib's and his family's main routes to enrichment have been?

BARU BIAN: Basically, they are involved in various companies which are awarded contracts by the government. That is one route. And another route is through the issue of provisional leases and imber licences to companies with which they have links, and these leases and licences are then sold off to investors for huge sums.

BMF: Where has the money gone?We have heard rumours that Taib transferred large sums overseas and that he owns real estate in the United Kingdom, Canada and other countries.

 

BARU BIAN: I have nothing to add to that because I have no knowledge about it, but it appears that that is where the money went. A few months ago, there was a report that one of the daughters owns one of the most expensive homes in Canada.

BMF: Will there be calls for restitution in the post-Taib area? In Switzerland, we can look back to the case of former Philippines dictator, Ferdinand Marcos, whose assets in Swiss banks were restituted to the Philippine government.

BARU BIAN: Personally, I think we must look into a restitution process in the post-Taib era. If his wealth is found to have been obtained unlawfully and illegally, then the law must take its course, and I think this will require a very strong resolve on the part of those who take over. It is a matter of political will. The Philippines did it, Indonesia did it, and I see no reason why we shouldn't do it. The ordinary people have been suffering and have been short-changed by Taib Mahmud.

"Taib Mahmud acquired immense wealth and riches at the expense of the  ordinary people. I think we must look into a restitution process in the post-Taib era. If his wealth is found to have been obtained unlawfully and illegally, then the law must take its course. The Philippines did it, Indonesia did it, and I see no reason why we shouldn't do it in Sarawak."

BMF: Even though Taib Mahmud's grip on power in the state remains firm, his days as Chief Minister appear to be numbered.What will his legacy to the state of Sarawak be? How will history judge Taib Mahmud's years in power?

BARU BIAN: I am trying to look at it from an ordinary Sarawakian's point of view. To a certain extent, there are a number of development projects that have been carried out. The latest one is the huge state assembly building that cost us millions. The question here is really why did we need a new building if the old one is still OK, and this is the people's money? From the Dayak perspective, in particular, we think that we have been politically divided and this was intentionally engineered by Taib Mahmud in order to weaken us. Today, we have five parties which the Dayaks are divided over. That is how we perceive him at the end of the day. Thirdly, he acquired immense wealth and riches at the expense of the ordinary people.

"From the Dayak perspective, we think that we have been politically divided and this was intentionally engineered by Taib Mahmud in order to weaken us."

BMF: Moving on to another subject, the Bakun dam, which is close to completion.What, for you  personally, is the lesson learned from the Bakun experience?

BARU BIAN: Our people, the natives, should not be easily hoodwinked by the government when the government says that a project is good for them. They must examine it properly, obtaining an expert opinion on whether it is really good for them. If the project is viable and good for the people, we have no objection. At the same time, the people's interests and future must be better taken care of by the government. So they must not be in a worse position than before. Although the project was carried out in the name of development, a lot of the natives in the region are now in a worse position than previously.

 

BMF: Transparency International has labelled the Bakun dam a 'monument of corruption'.Would you agree with such a statement?

BARU BIAN: From what we know, I definitely agree with it. It is very obvious that the cost of the project cannot be justified by comparison to the benefits we might get from it.

"From what we know, I definitely agree with labelling the Bakun dam a 'monument of corruption'. It is very obvious that the cost of the project cannot be justified by comparison to the benefits we might get."

BMF: Last year, the state government's plan for another twelve new dams in Sarawak became public.What is the rationale behind these dam plans?

BARU BIAN: The government says we need the power and talks of selling the power to Brunei. But I doubt this. I am quite suspicious and don't think we need so many dams in Sarawak. I really question the value of these projects and whether it is possible to send the power that is produced to West Malaysia, as we have been reading about.What I am afraid of is that they may use this as an occasion to invoke a provision of the land code and extinguish native rights in the courts for public purposes. Once that is done, the native peoples will not be able to challenge the legality of the extinguishment of their rights. The only remaining issue will then be how much compensation they are to receive. So, once the area is gazetted, the contractor or the company in charge of the project would start clearing the land and felling the timber. The contractor could get a few millions for the timber alone. That is what happened in the Bakun area.

BMF: So, basically you are saying the dam projects are a pretext for taking away the native lands. 

BARU BIAN: Yes, that is the bottom line, because there is no need for these dams. Even years later, they can forget about the dam and use the land for other purposes, without the natives having any opportunity to object.

"The state government's plan for twelve new dams is a pretext for extinguishing native land rights in the watersheds of our main rivers, in the name of a public purpose. There is no real need for these dams as we

have enough power in Sarawak."

BMF: A number of native communities are troubled by the dam plans and with the way they are apparently being kept in the dark about the progress on the projects.What will these dams mean for the native communities?

BARU BIAN: To dam their rivers marks a real disruption of their traditional way of life. It is the destruction of their land and their history. It would eventually be the destruction of their whole source of livelihood. Their very existence and livelihood is being threatened.

BMF: Why is the Sarawak government seeking such a close partnership with China for the construction of these dams?

 

BARU BIAN: Perhaps one of the reasons is that the Chinese have experience of building some of the biggest dams in the world, such as the three gorges project.

BMF: Do you see a geopolitical interest on the Chinese government's side?

BARU BIAN: I have no idea about that, apart from the fact that the Chinese contractors and the people who are involved in this locally may have some connection with the Chinese government. I have no proof of political motives.

BMF: Will the dams be funded with loans from China?

BARU BIAN: The funding for these projects is not being publicly disclosed. This is the way things are being done here.

BMF: Do you see a danger of Sarawak having a long-term state debt to China with the realization  of such economically questionable mega-projects?

BARU BIAN: If the dams are funded with Chinese loans, we will have obligations for quite some time paying these loans back to the Chinese government. In the meantime, the people involved in these projects will already have been paid with the commission for the dam.

"If the twelve new dams are funded with Chinese loans, we will have obligations for quite some time paying these loans back to the Chinese government. In the meantime, the people involved in these projects will already have been paid with the commission for the dam."

BMF: After much criticism, let us turn to the future. If the opposition wins the next state election, what is your alternative development model for the state of Sarawak?

BARU BIAN: If our opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, were to win and beat the government, we pledge to correct all these things that are not right. Top of the agenda comes the transformation of the land policies – not only the native land rights but also land questions affecting all the people of Sarawak, because the Chinese population is also affected by the renewal of leases. There are Chinese non-natives who need land too. Land is a necessity for people to survive.

"If our opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, were to win and beat the government, we pledge to correct all these things that are not right in our state. Top of the agenda comes the transformation of the land policies –  only the native land rights but also land questions affecting all the people of Sarawak, including the Chinese population."

BMF: What role will the native communities play in this development?

BARU BIAN: Opening up the rural sector for development is the next step. The main idea is to empower the rural population, with its vast tract of land, which constitutes our assets.We want to empower the rural population to engage in true development, based on agriculture. For this to happen, we would open up the way to rural development by building roads. Amenities must be provided. To achieve this for the people, we are prepared to fight for the oil and gas royalties.With that money alone, we could do plenty of things for Sarawak.

"We want to empower the rural population to engage in true development, based on agriculture. For this to happen, we need to improve the rural infrastructure, in particular by building access roads to the remote rural

areas."

BMF: Justice party leader Anwar Ibrahim has displayed his willingness to renegotiate Sarawak's  share of the oil revenues.Will you remind him of this promise if he comes to power in the next general elections?

BARU BIAN: Yes, we will most certainly remind our Pakatan leaders of their undertaking and the promise made to Sabah and Sarawak to channel a minimum of 20 percent of the oil and gas royalties to Sarawak, which the present federal government is refusing to give.

BMF: How will a new government deal with the complex issue of native customary rights?

BARU BIAN:We propose that a land commission be set up, headed by a native with knowledge of the adat, the native rights system, which will investigate and confirm rights and then issue titles.We will use the Philippines' model for resolving the native land issue

"We propose that a land commission be set up, headed by a native with knowledge of the adat, the native rights system, which will investigate and confirm rights and then issue titles. We will use the Philippines' model for resolving the native land issue."

BMF: The Malaysian indigenous peoples' coalition, JOAS, has called for a moratorium on new plantations in Malaysia. How will you deal with the valid plantation and logging licences issued for the native communities' customary lands?

BARU BIAN: This is very simple. I will look at the terms and conditions of the licences and leases. I believe that all the licences and leases have clear provisions expressly stating that they are issued subject to native customary rights: notwithstanding that, land may be categorized as state land and native customary rights may still exist. The problem is really that the government, the licensees and the leaseholders are not willing, or courageous enough, to implement this provision. It's contained in the terms of the licence already. So there are ways and means of dealing with this. In fact, the land commission, like in the Philippines, would be in a position to do that. They would not nullify the licences and leases immediately.

BMF: What are your infrastructure development plans for the rural areas?

BARU BIAN: The main thing for me is the roads, the communication aspect of development. If you look at Sarawak, most of the rural areas are only accessible by air, river or jungle trekking. So creating road access is the most important issue. Secondly, the needs of the people must be placed in the foreground. For example, gravity water systems and flush toilets must be introduced in the villages. Power must come in as well. Many villages are still using generators, which is too expensive because they are run by diesel. In place of that, I am thinking in terms of hydropower, small mini-hydropower plants close to the villages, which are very cost effective and reliable. These are the main things that can empower the rural people to change their whole living environment. And, from there, new farming techniques can be introduced.

"We must place the peoples' needs in the foreground, improve the road network and move over to a decentralized rural power supply based on mini-hydropower plants which are very cost effective and reliable."

BMF: Does this mean you are championing decentralized development and are recommending a move away from mega projects in favour of being close to community needs?

BARU BIAN: Yes, for that to work, the roads must be in place. From there, the road continues on to education. Improving the education system and creating access to education and knowledge in the rural areas is extremely important. School libraries and internet access etc. must be made available to all rural people. I tend to think that Taib Mahmud's government deliberately left out our people so as to keep the natives dependent and to weaken us economically and politically. This then ensured that we stayed on the receiving side without having independence.

"I tend to think that Taib Mahmud's government deliberately left out our people in order to keep the natives dependent and to weaken us economically and politically. This then ensured that we stayed on the receiving side without having independence."

BMF: How will you deal with the growing call of the international community for the conservation of Sarawak's tropical rainforests?

BARU BIAN: I am strongly in favour of that, and it is still possible. I think, if a government is free from corruption and focuses on the needs of the people and the need to protect the environment, a government must have a policy and a stand on this issue. This is a global concern, and we must take it on. I look forward to proper management of the forests, and we must achieve clean rivers and sustainably managed forests again. This is what I experienced in my childhood in the interior. I have seen this transformation in South Korea and Japan, and it has been done there successfully. Because the government has taken a firm stance on forest and timber policies.

"I am strongly in favour of the conservation of Sarawak's tropical forests, and this is still possible. This is a global concern, and we must take it on. I look forward to proper management of the forests, and we must achieve clean rivers and sustainably managed forests again. I have seen this transformation in South Korea and Japan, and it has been done there successfully.

BMF: After over twenty years, the Penan communities in the Baram are still struggling for their rights and against logging.What does the Penan struggle mean to you?

BARU BIAN:We should really look at the Penan's claims and grievances and resolve them respectfully. From the legal angle, on the basis of the principle of common law, they do clearly have rights over the land, and I want to agree with them. The Penan's land claims are only a problem if you look at them from a company perspective, because the companies think in terms of profits and business, and perhaps the government had the misconceived idea that the Penan have no rights.

BMF: Do you see a chance of reconciling the Penan's land claims with a sustainable management of the natural resources?

BARU BIAN: I think that, if we can avoid greed, this is not a big issue because that is in line with the conservation of the environment and the land, which is good for everyone.We can log the forests and have a timber industry but we must do so with all these issues in mind. Other countries have successfully managed these industries, so we can do it too.

"This current government must be changed. Give us, the opposition, the opportunity to be the state government for one term, and I can assure you that the entire policies currently in place will be changed. All the problems the native communities are facing are linked to the present policies of the government."

BMF: What is your personal message to the Penan?

BARU BIAN: My personal message to the Penan is: hang on there, stand up for your rights and fight for them. Of course, this is my message not only to the Penan but to all natives. The fastest and easiest way of achieving a result is through political transformation. This current government must be changed. Give us, the opposition, the opportunity to be the state government for one term, and I can assure you that the entire policies currently in place will be changed. All these problems they are facing are linked to the present policies of the government.

BMF: Baru Bian, thank you very much for this interview.

 

You can read the interview in pdf format at Bruno Manser Fonds

 

Mupok Aku

 

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Sultan Of Johore Dies

JOHOR BAHARU
Saturday, 23th January 2010

The Sultan of Johor, Sultan Iskandar Ibni Almarhum Sultan Ismail, has passed away. He died at the Puteri Specialist Hospital here at 7.08pm on Friday. He was 77.

He was admitted to the hospital earlier in the day due to an unspecified illness. The ruler's death was announced by Mentri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman over national TV and radio at 11pm.

The sultan will be buried at the Royal Mausoleum at 2pm on Saturday. The public can pay their respects at the Istana Besar from 9am to 10.30am, while dignitaries can do so from 11am to noon.

Sultan Iskandar was born on April 8, 1932 in Johor Baru and became ruler of the state on May 11, 1981. In his younger days, his hobbies included horse-riding, fast cars, go-carts, race boats, hunting, tennis, golf, boxing, swimming and polo.

He is survived by his consort Sultanah Zanariah Almarhum Tunku Ahmad and 10 children, including the Tengku Mahkota of Johor, Tunku Ibrahim Ismail and the Tengku Bendahara, Tunku Majid Idris.

News of illness surfaced on Thursday

Two hours before the sultan's death, Tunku Ibrahim Ismail was appointed the Regent. Head of the Johor Council of the Royal Court, Tunku Osman Tunku Temenggong Ahmad, who proclaimed the appointment of the crown prince, said the court made the decision after receiving the medical report on the sultan from three medical specialists.

Tunku Osman declared that Tunku Ibrahim will perform the duties of the Sultan of Johor as required under Section 9(1)(b) and 9(2) of the Johor State Constitution 1895.

News about the sultan being ill had surfaced Thursday night. Ghani cut short his trip to India with Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak to return here by 6pm Friday. The first to visit the Sultan in the morning was the Sultan and Tengku Mahkota of Pahang, who arrived by helicopter. Former prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi visited him at about 3.40pm.

Second time for Tunku Ibrahim

For Tunku Ibrahim, this is the second time he has been appointed the Regent.

The first time was on April 25, 1984 when Sultan Iskandar was appointed the eighth Yang Di-Pertuan Agong, ruling as King for five years.

On Friday, as he took his oath as the acting ruler, Tunklu Ibrahim said he would rule all his subjects fairly.

“I also swear to guard and respect Islam as well as the Malay tradition under the state constitution,” he said.

In attendance were Tunku Majid and the Raja Muda of Johor, Tunku Ismail Ibrahim.

Present were also state dignitaries, including state assembly speaker Ali Hassan, state Mufti Tahrir Shamsuddin, Johor Islamic Council adviser Nooh Gadut, several state executive council members and state police chief Deputy Comm Mohd Mokhtar Mohd Shariff.

Studied at home and abroad

Tunku Ibrahim, 51, was installed as the Tunku Mahkota of Johor on July 3, 1981 at the age of 22.He is married to Raja Zarith Sofiah Almarhum Sultan Idris Shah and they have five sons and two daughters.

The late Sultan Iskandar received his early education at the Ngee Heng Primary School here before furthering his studies at the English College, now known as Maktab Sultan Abu Bakar.

He continued his studies at the Trinity Grammar School in Australia and then in Britain, where he completed his studies. On retutning to Johor in 1956, the sultan served as a cadet officer with the Johor Civil Service.

He also received basic military training with the Johor Military Forces, founded by his great-grandfather Almarhum Sultan Abu Bakar in 1885 and who was the JMF commander before he passed away.

Sultan Iskandar was formally appointed the Tengku Mahkota on April 29, 1981. On May 11, 1981, he was proclaimed the fourth Sultan of Johor following his father’s death

Sultan Iskandar laid to rest at royal mausoleum

The late Sultan Iskandar ibni Almarhum Sultan Ismail was laid to rest today next to his father’s grave at the Bukit Mahmoodiah Royal Mausoleum here.

Present were the newly-proclaimed Sultan of Johor Tunku Ibrahim Ismail, Sultanah Zarith Sofiah, Sultanah Zanariah and other members of the royal household.

Also present were Sultan of Pahang Sultan Ahmad Shah, Sultan of Kedah Tuanku Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah, Sultan of Perak Sultan Azlah Shah, Sultan of Selangor Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah, Yang Dipertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan Tunku Muhriz and Sultan of Brunei Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah.

Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong were also present.Melaka Yang Dipertua Negeri Tun Khalil Yaakob, Sarawak Yang Dipertua Negeri Tun Abang Muhammad Salahuddin Abang Barieng, Sabah Yang Dipertua Negeri Tun Ahmadshah Abdullah and Penang Yang Dipertua Negeri were also at the burial ceremony.

Among leaders who attended the burial were Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Menteri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman, Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, Defence Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Melaka Chief Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam and Negeri Sembilan Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan.

Earlier, Sultan Iskandar’s body was taken in a 3km procession from Istana Besar to the Royal Mausoleum, with thousands of people lining up both sides of the road.

A 77-gun salute were fired by the 41st Ceremonial Battery of Sungai Buloh Camp to mark Sultan Iskandar’s age during his death.

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Four Nab Over Mosque Arson In Muar

Kuala Lumpur
Saturday, 23 January 2010

Four men, one of whom is a son of a police officer, were arrested today over the arson attempts at two suraus in Muar, Johor on Jan 21, according to the Deputy Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar.

In the attacks on Thursday, the Sirratulrahim Surau in Kampung Sabak Awor, Jalan Ismail suffered burns to a window and some curtains, while another surau in Parit Beting was also badly damaged, with scorch marks found on a door, a window, and carpet.

A police forensics team which took evidence at the first surau discovered traces of splashed kerosense at the site, leading to suspicions that the fires were intentionally set.

Political leaders have been quick in condemning the attacks in Johor.

Via a statement, DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng slammed “the destructive behaviour of the perpetrator of such irresponsible attacks, who clearly intended to provoke suspicions among our multi-racial and multi-religious communities”.

Whoever these culprits are they must be punished. Their irresponsible acts can cause racial/religious unrest in this nation. ..Bukittunggal.com

The latest attacks come on the back of a lull in tempers following a Dec 31, 2009 High Court ruling that allowed Catholic weekly Herald to use the term “Allah” to describe the Christian God in their Bahasa Malaysia section.

The ruling sparked Muslim outrage across the country, as some Muslims claim that the term “Allah” is exclusive to Islam and must not be used by anyone else.

In the wake of the on-going controversy and prior to Thursday’s attacks, nine churches, a mosque, a surau, a Sikh temple and a convent school have been damaged by fire, paint or stones since Jan 8.

The government has appealed against the decision and obtained a stay of execution.

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

‘Allah’ Row in Malaysia: Why Christians Have Greater Rights to Use ‘Allah’

Article By M. A. Khan
Publish On Friday, 15th January 2010

In Malaysia, Muslims are waging a raging, and potentially dangerous, campaign to own exclusive copyright to use the word 'Allah'.

The controversy has been brewing since 2007, when Muslim fanatics protested against the use of ‘Allah’ to denote ‘God’ in Christian literature and publications. The Malaysian government, to appease the fanatics, banned the Catholic Herald, a Malaysian Catholic weekly, for using the word ‘Allah’. Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, the longest-serving Malaysian ex-premier, under whom Malaysia underwent progressive Islamization, supported the ban. To him, the word ‘Allah’ belongs to Muslims alone.

It’s worthy noting that Christians in Malaysia have been using the word ‘Allah’ in Malay-language Bibles since the 1800s.

The Catholic Herald initiated a legal battle not only against the ban on its publication, but also on its age-old right to use the term ‘Allah’.

Authorities in Malaysia confiscated 15,000 copies of the Bible from Christians in late 2009 for containing the word ‘Allah’.

And, as of latest, Malaysian High Court overturned the ban on Catholic Herald on December 31, 2009. It also ruled that it was the constitutional right for the Herald to use the word “Allah”.

The ruling that literally allows non-Muslims to use ‘Allah’ enraged Muslims and the ruling party activists.Dr. Mahathir, leading a backlash against the court ruling, wrote: “The solution to the controversy will not be achieved by making an appeal to the court. Such a sensitive issue cannot be solved through law.”

He added that non-Muslims “may use it on banners or write something that might not reflect Islam”, thereby, potentially inflaming Muslims’ anger.

Such statements—some inflammatory, others mixed—by the ruling party politicians and ministers, including the current Prime Minister and Home Minister, unraveled days of protests setting the stage for a huge demonstration on Friday, January 8, 2010. Surprisingly, the Home Ministry, on the one hand, overruled the High Court ruling on Wednesday, January 6, while also approved Friday’s mass demonstration on the ruling.

And, at the end of the demonstration, as generally occurs all over the Muslim world, fanatic Muslim mobs burned down three churches. On Saturday another church was attacked, while two more on Sunday, bringing the total number of churches to six. It’s probably just the beginning unless the Christians relent on their demand.

Similar to Muslims’ claim of exclusivity to use ‘Allah’, ever since I left Islam and started writing critically of Islam, I have been told, too often, by angry Muslims to give up my Islamic name.

The question is: What exactly constitutes an Islamic name?

Being born and raised as a Muslim, my first name is of Persian, middle name of Arabic and last name of Mongolian/Turkic origin. Which of these languages was an invention of Islam—that is, invented by Allah, Muhammad or a Muslim? The answer, irrefutably, is “none”.

None of the languages we humans speak today were invented by Islam. Instead, they have Pagan roots. We, the ex-Muslim and humanists, who believe in complete equality of all humans with their diversity in ethnicity, language and culture, have a greater right to inheritance to secular human innovations, such as any modern-day language, than do Muslims.

It is not for us ex-Muslims to give up our names, given by our parents; instead, Muslims, who believe in exclusivity, should invent a new language or naming system and use them than shamelessly demanding copyright on something, to whose creation and evolution, they, their prophet, Muhammad, or their God, Allah, have made little or no contribution.The same goes to Muslims’ claim of exclusivity to the right of using the term ‘Allah’.

The term ‘Allah’ was not created by the Islamic God, or Muhammad or any Muslim. The Pagans of Arabia had been using ‘Allah’ to denote ‘God’ for hundreds, probably for thousands, of years before Islam’s birth.

Muhammad’s father’s name was Abdullah (Abd-Allah), meaning ‘slave of Allah’, while his greatest opponent in Medina—repeated labeled as “hypocrite” by Islamic Allah in the Quran, although he was a great humanist—was also named Abdullah (Abdullah ibn Obayi). This proves beyond doubt that it is from pre-Islamic Pagan usage did Muhammad incorporate the term ‘Allah’ into Islam.
What is important to realize is that it is Christians, now being barred from using the term ‘Allah’ in Malaysia, who have greater rights to its use than do Muslims. It is because Christians, who had penetrated into Arabia centuries before Islam, had adopted the term ‘Allah’. In other words, Christians of the Middle East have been using ‘Allah’ to denote ‘God’ since centuries before the coming of Islam. Middle Eastern Christians continue to use ‘Allah’ as well as Arabic names today.

Given that Christians adopted the term ‘Allah’ before Islam’s birth, they onviously hold greater legal rights to its use than do Muslims, definitely much greater than Malaysian Muslims, who were forced into Islam very late (16th century onward). If anything, it is Muslims, who must relinquish the use of ‘Allah’, or Arabic name. Instead, they have or are, absolutely shamelessly and illegitimately, putting an ‘Islamic seal’ of copyright on them.

And here lies Islam’s debilitating impact on human beings, who turn Muslims. When a people do not create a thing, but demand copyright over it—that too, with violence—it kills their urge to creativity. Such people can never be creative and contributory to society. And this fact is so glaringly in display in the Muslim world by its backwardness in every sphere of human development and progress.

Here also lies the fact as to why the Islamic world is turning to humanity’s worst nightmare. Muhammad usurped innovations of others into his creed, and, at the same time, violently coerced those people into Islam, or exterminated them.

It affects humanity in two ways: first, forcing the otherwise creative people (non-Muslims) into Islam through coercion turns uncreative, while exterminating them straightaway reduces the world’s creative pool of brains. Humanity, and its progress and development, thus, become stunted, a victim.

We have seen, in the post-colonial Islamic world, as a continuation of Muhammad’s legacy, the pool of creative non-Muslim peoples are being reduced through coercive conversion or migration, thus, turning Islamic world into a barren desert in terms of creativity and contribution to civilization.

And Muhammad’s violent legacy is also turning the world’s Muslims into an increasing violent lot.

When we see violence by Muslims over their illegitimate claim to use ‘Allah’ to the exclusion of others occur in a country like Malaysia, the ‘alleged’ beacon of Islamic moderation, modernity and progressiveness, writing is clearly on the wall as to where humanity is heading to.

We are heading into an Age of Barbarism. Much of the Islamic world is already there with worsening trends, while the rest is heading there through rapid Islamization.

To Read more Please Click Here!

NCR landowners win landmark cases

Kuching
Thursday, 21st January 2010

Two land owners won their respective court cases in the Kuching High Court today, the decisions of which may open a floodgate of civil actions against the Sarawak Government.

In the first case, Mohamad Rambli bin Kawi of Kampung Lintang sought declarations that he had acquired native customary rights over 51 parcels of NCR land situated at Loba Rambungan, Kuching.

He also sought a declaration that the extinguishment of his land under Section 5 (3) and (4) of the Sarawak Land Code was unconstitutional.

Following the extinguishment notice, Mohamad Rambli had on 9 September 2002 submitted his claims to the Land and Survey Department, but his claims was rejected.

The State Government rejected his claim arguing that the Malays in Sarawak did not have any native customary rights over land.

10 similar cases

In a landmark decision, High Court Judge David Wong allowed his claims and ordered the government to extinguish his rights over the land and pay compensation in accordance with law.

About 10 cases of similar nature involving the Malays are now before the court.

In the case of Agi anak Bungkong, he sued the government on behalf of 196 Iban families from 15 longhouses over NCR land in and around their longhouses in Selezu, Setulai and Sepadok in the Sebauh District, Bintulu.

They claimed that they had native customary rights over those lands which, to them, were more than just lands but which constituted their life, and from where they derived food, valuable medicines, wildlife and natural produce for their livelihood and sustenance.

They cultivated padi, fruit trees, rubber, cocoa and other essential and crops on those lands. Hence, they argued that NCR land, comprising lands and forests, were not just a source of livelihood but life itself.

They said that their NCR over their lands was recognised in and by law and expressly acknowledged and honoured by the government of the day.

However, possibly due to an act of recklessness and negligence of the 4th defendant (Land and Survey Department) and the 5th defendant (the State Government) or in disregard of the plaintiffs' acquired, vested or accrued rights in the native customary land, two provisional leases over Lot 2 Block 4 Selezu Land District and Lot 2 Block 34 Kemena Land District were issued to the 2nd defendant (Lembaga Tabung Haji) and 3rd defendant (Semai Mekar Sdn Bhd) on 2 December 1996.

The said provisional leases covered and included a substantial part of the plaintiffs' said NCR land.

Order to ratify NCR lands

High Court Judge David Wong granted that the plaintiffs have native customary rights over the lands they cleared.

The judge ordered that the NCR lands should be ratified and excluded from the provisional leases.

The plaintiffs must be given vacant possessions forthwith, he said.

For the two cases, the judge ordered that damages for the plaintiffs to be assessed at 4% interest per annum from the date of encroachment to the date of judgment and 8% from the date of judgment to the realization of the payment.

Costs to the plaintiffs are to be assessed by the court.

The two cases were represented by Messrs Baru Bian, Advocates & Solicitors.

Personally Bukittunggal.com would like to congratulate the two NCR land owners for winning the case, and to Sdra Baru Bian for successfully defends the rights of the NCR landowners.

BRAVO Sdra Baru Bian!

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Breaking News-Demolition Of Rumah Nor ak Nyawai

TR Nor anak Nyawai and his "anembiaks" have been fighting for their NCR lands fo decade and their fights end on 19th January 2010, when their longhouse was demolished by the Land Survey department.

According to reliable source to Bukittunggal.com, on 19.01.2010 at Tatau sub-district, the Land and Survey enforcement team from all over Sarawak with few trucks of Army personnel and policemen went to demolish houses without prior notice to the landowners at Sg. Sekabai, Sebauh Bintulu. This particular land (the territorial domain) had been won by Tr. Nor Ak Nyawai and some others at the Malaysian Court few years ago. But unfortunately, how did the Company manage to convince the Court to approve for the eviction order is always remain a mystery to so many Indigenous peoples in Sarawak.

According to the source, the enforcement personnel managed to demolished about 25 houses with all their belongings inside were destroyed indiscriminately for more than 4 hours of ugly service to the said 'company'. The way how the government agencies handle the matter look like that the Ibans (Indigenous Peoples) have no more right to their own land and the companies seem to have more rights and surely own more land everywhere. Who own these big companies in Sarawak?

The Indigenous people of Sg. Sekabai were still in the state of shock because of what had happened to their houses and properties. Most of the occupants were left without any place to live right now and all their belongings were also intentionally destroyed by the enforcement. In Haiti peoples and properties were destroyed by natural disaster but strangely in Sarawak we are 'giving human disaster' to our own peoples without mercy.

Our source added, "The people of rumah Tr. Nor of Sg. Sekabai had a meeting yesterday night and I was there with them. Everyone looked very angry, very disappointed and very down as they lost their properties just within seconds by the enforcement. They did not only cut the houses but they smashed them with the tractors into pieces to the ground. They all agreed to stay put on the ground at Sg. Sekabai to prevent these 'demolishers' continue their barbaric act these few days!"
This is not the first incident of the longhouse being evicted merciless by government agencies (off course under the direction of Sarawak Barisan Nasional). In January 2007, a longhouse known as Rumah Nyawin along the Bakun-Bintulu road was bulldozed leaving more than 100 native people homeless.

The video can be seen below:

Despite all these cruelty and inhumane treatment against them by Barisan Nasional government but the Iban/dayak still support  them. Are we that stupid ? Or are we COWARD?

I am urging the Iban readers out there to spread the news on what happened to TR Nor ak Nyawai and his anembiak because sooner or later, the same incident may happen to the rest of us, especially with the new land development concept being implemented by the BN government in Sarawak.

The state election is just around the corner. If we especially the Ibans dont want to be evicted from our own land, we must evict BN government by VOTE THEM OUT....Remember to vote for PAKATAN RAKYAT!

 

Mupok Aku

"Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban"

Death of a dynasty?

The face of a devil in all consuming greed


The successor to the powerful Chief Minister Taib Mahmud, 74 has yet to be resolved. The increasingly frail Taib has been in office for 28 years, the longest term of any chief minister or menteri besar in the history of Malaysia.
Taib's son Sulaiman has been mooted as the most likely candidate. This would continue the mini-dynasty established by the minority Melanau ethnic group, beginning with Taib's uncle and predecessor Abdul Rahman Ya'kub.

The Melanau make up barely five percent of the population of Sarawak. Their political and economic dominance has caused deep divisions, even within Taib's (right) own dominant party, Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Sarawak (PBB).

Iban, Malay and Bidayuh, making up 34 percent, 21 percent and eight percent of Sarawak's population respectively, resent the accumulation of vast wealth within Taib's own family and ethnic group. Rahman was Sarawak's third Chief Minister from 1970 to 1981. He and his nephew Taib presided over a sustained period of rapid expansion of logging, resulting in deforestation and logging blockades.

Income disparities in Sarawak have ballooned, and are now among the worst in Malaysia. High profile reports of human rights abuses, including the loss of Native Customary Rights (NCR) land of the indigenous Dayak, and sexual abuse of local communities by loggers, have drawn international condemnation.

Taib has found it difficult to shrug off reports of alleged nepotism and corruption. These include a story broken by Malaysiakini detailing RM32 million worth of kickbacks paid by Japanese timber importing companies to a Hong Kong agent allegedly linked to Taib, and a report of his daughter Jamilah's purchase of a 'palace', the second most expensive house in Ottawa, Canada, worth RM28 million.

Taib has sued Malaysiakini over its special report on the Japanese timber import scandal, described as 'the tip of the iceberg', but has been unable to silence outrage both at home and abroad.

CM needs a supportive successor

Amidst such controversy, Taib must be extremely careful with the choice of his successor. The next chief minister must be loyal, and protect Taib and his family, both from any possible legal consequences, and from the vagaries of the free market.

Taib's family dominates Sarawak's economy through the Cahaya Mata Sarawak (CMS) conglomerate. CMS, widely disparaged as 'Chief Minister and Sons', makes money from a huge range of industries, ranging from cement to road maintenance to the posh international Tunku Putra school in Kuching.

Taib's heir apparent, Sulaiman, entered Parliament by winning his father's old seat, Kota Samarahan in 2008. The PBB Youth vice-president was immediately elevated to Tourism Deputy Minister.

The ageing politician was seen as grooming his son for his eventual, triumphant return to Sarawak as chief minister, after Sulaiman created his own networks and gained experience in national politics

Sulaiman (left) resigned from the federal cabinet over a month ago, creating speculation that he could not work with Tourism Minister Ng Yen Yen. Ng denied they could not see eye to eye.Sulaiman did not explain his abrupt resignation, but Taib later announced that "he was not very happy and a bit upset" over his mother's death from lung cancer last April.

Some observers still maintain Sulaiman is next in line to succeed his father. They wonder whether he may have resigned in order to contest a state seat in Sarawak's upcoming State Assembly elections. However, Sulaiman certainly has significant baggage in tow.. He has been dogged by controversy.

In 2003, national news reports that he had assaulted a television news presenter, Avaa Vanja Ramli. Reports splashed across the front pages outlined allegations that he had beaten and strangled the young woman. She was said to have described him as "her boyfriend" in her police report. The case was subsequently closed by the Attorney General's office.

Sulaiman did not win admirers, too, for his lacklustre performance as executive chair of RHB Bank, beginning in 2003. He was reported to have had little enthusiasm for attending board meetings and was widely derided for attempting to change the bank's name to 'CMS Bank'.

He was eventually removed as chairperson by Bank Negara, an unprecedented move in Malaysian banking.

"How can he run a state if he could not even run a bank?" asked one political observer. Unlike his strongman father, Sulaiman does not command much grassroots political support, as evidenced by Sulaiman's relatively humble post in the PBB party structure.

In fact, credible candidates to take over the PBB president's position, and therefore the chief minister's post, as is the custom in Sarawak BN, appear thin on the ground.

The frontrunner

Awang Tengah Ali Hassan, Second Minister for Planning and Resource Management, appears to be another frontrunner. Awang Tengah is Taib's powerful right hand man, in matters of land acquisition and awarding of lucrative licences and land in the logging, plantation and other industries.

Awang Tengah (left) has drawn criticism for telling NCR landowners they can be expelled from their land at the state government's discretion, and for asking the Auditor General to change his department's annual 2008 report, alleging poor forestry management and enforcement..

PBB deputy presidents Alfred Jabu and Abang Johari Openg are not likely to ascend to the chief minister's post. Alfred Jabu is not considered to have the political mind for the job.

Abang Johari (right) is considered divisive in the Malay-Dayak-Melanau party as he is seen to represent the Malay faction in the party. Malays resent Melanau dominance of the economy, and most rural Malays remain poor and disenfranchised.

Whoever takes over as chief minister will have to struggle with Sarawak's stagnant economy, depleted natural resources, and primitive race-based politics. Perhaps the choice of any particular individual personality as Taib's successor will not prove as important, in the long term, as the new, stumbling efforts to reform Sarawak's moribund political culture, and deep rooted corruption in its economic life.

KERUAH USIT is a human rights activist - 'anak Sarawak, bangsa Malaysia'. His weekly column is an effort to provide a voice for marginalised Malaysians. Keruah Usit can be contacted at keruah_usit@yahoo.com.

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban

Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times

Who is Mahathir Mohamad?

Review By :
Mr. Hill is the H.W. Arndt professor of Southeast Asian economies at Australian National University.

Dr. Mahathir's personal story, as recounted in Barry Wain's "Malaysian Maverick," tracks the country's broader post-war history. The prime minister's origins wouldn't necessarily have augured a great political future. Born in 1925 to parents of modest means, he grew up on the "poor side of the river" that bisected the town of Alor Star, in northern Malaysia. Of mixed Indian and Malay ancestry, he was a member of neither the Malay aristocracy nor the ethnic Chinese business class in a country where race did, and still does, significantly determine a person's prospects.

As a child, he was driven, impatient, energetic and intelligent. His teenage years were overshadowed by war and the Japanese occupation, when he became a street hawker to eke out a living. Returning to school after the war, he excelled and found his way to Singapore to study medicine in 1947. He was stunned by the relative wealth and sophistication he found on the island, a stark contrast with colonial Malaya.

Returning home in 1953 to practice medicine, it was only a matter of time before politics beckoned. Dr. Mahathir entered Parliament in 1964, representing a local Kedah constituency for the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO). The '60s were turbulent for the newly independent country: "Malaysia" was officially birthed in 1963 by combining Malaya with Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah, but in 1965 Singapore broke off as an independent city-state. Following the general election in May 1969, brief but vicious conflicts broke out between the Chinese and Malay communities. Dr. Mahathir also lost his seat at that election and, following some bitter political infighting, was expelled from UMNO.

His retreat from politics provided an opportunity to reflect more deeply on national issues. He penned "The Malay Dilemma," arguing that the country's ills resulted from the country's extreme ethnic imbalances. The book was immediately banned, but it became an influential political document. It asserted that the Malays were the country's original "definitive race" and that this should be embedded in national institutions and policies.

Malaysian Maverick

Dr. Mahathir was by now a national figure, and the departure of Malaysia's founding prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, with whom he frequently quarreled, opened the way for his re-entry into politics in 1974. He quickly rose through the ranks, winning the premiership in 1981—the first "commoner" to hold the post. He quickly set about implementing his vision of modernization: developing a vibrant Malay business class while also embarking on a "Look East" strategy of heavy industrialization.

Dr. Mahathir saw himself as a nation builder and a champion of third-world causes. He liked to think big, whether it was the construction of the nation's north-south highway stretching from Thailand to Singapore or the new capital he started at Putra Jaya. Inevitably, these and other projects became entangled within the complex web of UMNO money politics. They tended to be very expensive, rely on nontransparent bidding and favor contractors with ties to UMNO. But the book presents little evidence that Dr. Mahathir saw these projects as vehicles for personal enrichment—even if it is alleged some of his cronies and family apparently did.

More than his economic program, however, Dr. Mahathir's personality has attracted attention. As Mr. Wain makes clear, he displayed a well-developed authoritarian streak and a propensity to lock up dissidents. The most infamous of these was the jailing of his former deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, in September 1998 on charges of financial and sexual improprieties, an event that deeply shocked the nation. Dr. Mahathir has denied the charges were politically motivated, and Mr. Anwar was later acquitted. The international media were also targeted, including this newspaper, which was banned for a period for its articles about the economy and then Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin.

This new biography contends that Dr. Mahathir cemented his rule in part by weakening institutions like the judiciary, media and professional civil service that could have challenged him. Although Dr. Mahathir contests that claim, he did introduce press controls, bypass the civil service with his own direct appointments and dismiss the lord president of the Supreme Court during the constitutional crisis of 1988. His personalization of power "cut Malaysia adrift institutionally," Mr. Wain writes, rendering more difficult the country's transition to modern statehood.

Mr. Wain's book is biography at its best. The author, a former Journal editor and Malaysia bureau chief, builds on extensive interviews with Dr. Mahathir, his family and close associates. But Mr. Wain also gives plenty of airing to the critics, and he has meticulously sifted through the Malaysian press, the scholarly literature and "underground" commentary, offering no fewer than 1,236 footnotes to support his rich narrative. The result is a balanced, comprehensive and nuanced study that apportions praise and criticism in equal measure. It replaces a much earlier work, Khoo Boo Teik's 1995 "Paradoxes of Mahathirism" as the seminal study of Dr. Mahathir.

Yet Mr. Wain could have stepped back a little more and asked whether Dr. Mahathir fundamentally changed the course of Malaysian economic development. Under his leadership growth was no more impressive than under his three predecessors or two successors. Arguably, Malaysia's growth record is attributable more to the country's consistent openness and prudent macroeconomic management—it has never suffered the fiscal crises, hyperinflation, financial collapses that have afflicted other developing countries—combined with its rich natural resources.

While this debate deserves more attention, Mr. Wain's important biography sheds light on a fascinating character. As the winds of reformasi and the inexorable rise of the Internet pry open the country's controlled print and television media, there will likely be further revelations about the tight nexus between politics and money that flourished under his rule.

My sincere thanks to my friend Hornbill-Hornbil..

Mupok Aku

Agi Idup Agi Ngelaban