Idris Jala Formula: Formula For the Rich But Suffering For Poor Rural Sarawakians

Kuching
Sunday, 12th December 2010

Just wonder from whom this guy learned economic. Immediately after he took the leadership of  MAS,  he retrenched the staff and sold  MAS assets, and as a result MAS made profits ( in ACCOUNT Only) after in the red for few finacial years. What he did to MAS has impressed the incompetent BN laeders, and he was hired  to lead PEMANDU.After less than 3 years with PEMANDU he had increased the price of items from petrol to sugar in order to balance the BN deficit budget...But in the process he caused the people in the rural areas especially in Sarawak suffering. Being a Sarawakian, I am proud of him BUT for NOTHING!

Idris Jala Contribution to the Malaysians especially Rural Sarawakians

Rakyat will have to pay another 58 sen per litre for fuel consumption under Sarawak super intelligent strategiest named Datuk Seri Idris Jala, the same guy who made Malaysia Airline fare beyond lower income imagination.
Sentosa State Assemblyman, Chong Chieng Jen told a press conference said the idea is squeezing the people dry.
“The recent fuel and gas hike is already giving the people a lot of problems and to pay up another 58 sen per litre is literally ‘killing’ them,” he said.
He said although the 2nd Finance Minister said the tax would not be imposed so soon, Chong said it will be when Barisan Nasional (BN) won the next general election.
Citing an example that the Government after increasing RON 97 said they would not increase RON 95 but it was increased twice this year, once in July and now on December 1st.
Idris Jala, he said is very good in getting people to pay up by using all sort of fancy names.

“When he took over MAS, the price fare was increased by 20%. It was not in the name of the fare but the consumers have to fork out extras for administration fees, fuel charges and so on,” he said. “Now, by not increasing the fuel prices in which they are actually increasing it, he decided to name it’ fuel consumption tax,” he added.

Chong said if the government is serious about helping the people, they should not allow its cronies and other huge companies to enjoy the subsidised fuel.

“It should be the little people, lower income group who should be taken care of, not the rich and famous,” he added.

Mupok Aku

AGI IDUP AGI NGELABAN

Singapore Opinion On Malaysia's Leaders : Najib Opportunist and BN Politician Incompetent

Kuching
Sunday, 12th December 2010

Malaysia’s improved ties with Singapore could be in jeopardy after the republic’s senior government officials reportedly said “Malaysia’s decline” is fuelled by incompetent politicians.

These officials were also less than complimentary about Malaysia’s prime ministers, past and present, with one of them calling Datuk Seri Najib Razak “an opportunist”

Their comments were contained in leaked US State Department cables and are likely to put pressure on the rollercoaster relations which both countries have had over decades.

The cables, obtained by WikiLeaks and published in The Sunday Age, disclose discussions between senior US officials and their Singapore counterparts Peter Ho, Bilahari Kausikan and Tommy Koh.

All three Singaporeans gave damning assessments of Malaysia. The discussions between the Singaporean and US officials took place in 2008 and 2009.

In September 2008, Kausikan, a senior foreign affairs official, told the US Deputy Secretary of Defense for East Asia David Sedney that the “situation in neighbouring Malaysia is confused and dangerous”, fuelled by “a distinct possibility of racial conflict” that could see ethnic Chinese “flee” Malaysia and “overwhelm” Singapore.

A Comparison : Singapore and Malaysia Cabinet Ministers. Please see Muhyiddin Qualification

“A lack of competent leadership is a real problem for Malaysia,” said Kausikan, citing the need for Datuk Seri Najib Razak to prevail politically in order to avoid prosecution in connection with the murder of Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu.

“Najib has his neck on the line in connection with a high-profile murder case,” noted Kausikan.

A few months earlier, Peter Ho told another US official: “The political knives will be out for Abdullah (Ahmad Badawi’s) son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, whom nobody likes because he got where he is through family ties...”

Khairy is now the Umno Youth chief but has not been given an administrative post in Najib’s government despite being seen as one of the shrewder politicians in the country.

“As for Najib Razak, he is an opportunist. Although he has not been critical of Singapore, he will not hesitate to go in that direction if it is expedient for him to do so. Najib’s political fortunes continue to be haunted by the murder scandal,” Ho had reportedly said.

The leaked cables will give ammunition to hawks in the Malaysian government and Umno who believe that it is unproductive to have good relations with Singapore, whom they describe as calculative and condescending.

The Najib administration has attempted to keep the relationship on an even keel and even untangled a long-standing dispute over Malaysian-owned railway land in the republic.

This breakthrough was made despite opposition by some quarters in the ruling party.

Both governments have agreed to set up a joint-venture company by December 31 to develop land parcels swapped for the prized railway land that cuts through the island state.

Mupok Aku

AGI IDUP AGI NGELABAN

Taib Mahmud Plundering of Sarawak : Pulau Bruit Continued

Kuching
Wednesday, 8th December 2010

Revelations after revelations have been made by Sarawak Report but until now,  MACC has still not taking any action against the most corrupt and the longest serving Chief Minister in the world. What is Naijb waiting For? Is he waiting for this old man no longer in power? Or after he dies? 
Only God Knows...

Certain people in high places are given to alleging that the facts which have been published in Sarawak Report may not be true. Yet, the allegations we have published have been verifiable and documented.

Likewise, available to the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission in the government’s own register of companies, is the following irrefutable information. The company Mesti Bersatu is a major shareholder in Delta Padi Sdn Bhd, a venture that has caused shocking devastation on the mainly Melanau island of Pulau Bruit.

Also documented and verifiable is the fact that the Sarawak government has handed large tracts of land in Sungai Lengan on Pulau Bruit at minimal cost (RM78,000 for 100 hectares) to Delta Padi Sdn Bhd to develop a rice project, for which laughable levels of compensation have been offered to the Native Customary Landowners of the area. Pristine Mangrove forests have been destroyed over the past four years and the waters of the region have been polluted. Environmentalists are concerned that the development is now illegally encroaching also on the National Park on the island.

Mesti Bersatu, which is such a large shareholder in this enterprise, belongs to the Chief Minister of Sarawak, Abdul Taib Mahmud and members of his family. His name is printed in black and white as a key shareholder in the Register of Companies for all to see. This means that as the Head of Government he has been handing the land and development opportunities to himself.

Mesti Bersatu’s two partners in Delta Padi are Taib’s business crony Hii Yu Peng and the organisation Pelita, which belongs to Sarawak’s Land Custody and Development Authority (LCDA), of which Chief Minister Taib Mahmud is also the Chairman! This is all in black and white – there can be no argument.

It should be observed that the Sarawak Government has given these grants of valuable land to Delta Padi thanks to specific decisions by the Planning & Resources Minister and, of course, the Chairman of the LCDA. These key decision-making positions when it comes to the granting of land are both occupied by the Chief Minister, Abdul Taib Mahmud. Therefore, Taib has particularly used his position of direct authority over these departments to hand himself cheap land, which he had alienated from the native people. This is a clear case of conflict of interest, abuse of power and corruption.

Not just public land but also public money has been channelled into the Chief Minister’s company

However, it has not just land that Taib has been handing to himself through to Delta Padi Sdn Bhd. Both state and federal government money is also evidently being poured into supporting the venture, of which he and his family are such major shareholders. These resources will have been made available thanks, of course, to the decisions of Sarawak’s Finance Minister. Sarawak’s Finance Minister is also Abdul Taib Mahmud. This is another clear case of conflict of interest, abuse of power and corruption.

In an announcement to the news agency Bernama in 2004, the Minister James Masing explained the Sarawak Government’s policy towards the project – a policy that is spearheaded by the Chief Minister, Finance Minister, Land & Resources Minister and Chairman of the LCDA, who are all Abdul Taib Mahmud. The report quotes Masing:

Since Sarawak is basically in its early stage of rice production, subsidy must be provided for it to succeed.” He [Masing] said his ministry would act as the main co-ordinator between the various state and federal agencies and ministries involved in order for it to succeed.

He said under Phase One of its proposed development, a sum of RM19 million was needed for its irrigation system and he hoped the Federal Ministry of Agriculture could make the fund available soon. Masing said it had been estimated that about RM75 million was needed for the granary overall development……….

On the Delta Padi Plantation, he said since its inception seven years ago, a sum of RM18 million had been spent in its development. It had also invested RM8 million on its own rice milling facility the biggest in the country …. Masing said the state government would assist Delta Padi in dealing with its main rat and bird problems and in looking for more markets for its rice. He urged the national rice board or BERNAS to lend a helping hand”. [James Masing, Bernama 18/10/2004]

Corruption 

The above information is all verifyable to the Malaysian Government and the MACC  through the Register of Companies, their own official documents and ministerial announcements.  The  government auditors will be well-placed also to assess just how much Federal and State money has in total been poured into helping Delta Padi develop the project, in which the Chief Minister and his family hold a such a major shareholder  interest.  In this context they might like to consider how little of those substantial millions ave been spent in assisting the desperately poor Melanau and Iban populations of the area who have lost their fishing and hunting grounds and are suffering flooding and pollution as a result of the degradations and plantations on their Native Customary Lands? 

So what is not true? 


Therefore Sarawak Report would like to enquire on what basis BN commentators are to suggest that our accusations might be untrue and on what basis the MACC is refusing to investigate the State of Sarawak’s Chief Minister for abusing his powers to enrich himself and his family? Perhaps it is because it would appear that the members of the BN party have a highly undeveloped understanding of what forms corrupt practice?  In an interview recorded last week, Taib’s political ally, YB Karim Hamza, attempted to justify the Sarawak State Government’s current White Paper proposals to clamp down on media outlets like Sarawak Report, with a series of statements that have caused hilarity throughout Malaysia and abroad. 

While complaining that the reports on Taib’s wealth are not proven, Hamza’s simultaneously sought to justify it!   It would surely be “unfair” he argued for the Chief Minister not to be able to take up the “opportunities” provided by his office for example to buy “cheap land” if someone were to offer it to him? Hamza further articulated at length how public office is regarded by himself and fellow BN members not as an opportunity to serve the community, but as an opportunity to get into business at the same time and to make money from the “connections” that arise.  Mixing politics and business in such a way is essentially the dictionary definition of political corruption and Hamza has openly admitted to approving it. In the interview, which can be heard on Radio Free Sarawak via it’s website http://www.radiofreesarawak.org/  he frequently declares that it would not be “fair” if only businessmen and not politicians could be wealthy and “fly around in jets” and asserts that the families of politicians must of course be advantaged by using their resulting ‘network’ of connections.  He also slanderously implied that Prime Ministers in the UK and USA do the same and are “all filthy rich”. 

Since Abdul Taib Mahmud, who receives a modest official salary appropriate to the concept of public service, is clearly wealthy beyond imagination; since he puts endless government contracts the way of his family; since he demands large sums of money and shares from any business that seeks to gain a licence to operate in Sarawak and since he also flies around constantly in private jets, we can only conclude that the Chief Minister agrees one hundred percent with Hamza’s justifications of corruption. 

Favours to Delta Padi from Taib’s government departments 


It is clear that Mesti Bersatu’s involvement in the Delta Padi project forms one of the ‘business opportunities’ of the sort that YB Karim Hamza was referring to.  Crony business tycoon Hii Yu Peng evidently provided the Chief Minister with an ‘opportunity’ to take a stake in his venture to turn the Native Customary Rights Lands on the pristine island of Bruit into a paddy project. 


Mr Hii Yu Peng has of course put in most of the private capital into the venture, true to the pattern of all Taib’s dealings with local towkeys in search of land and licences, which he totally controls.  Indeed it is extremely unlikely that the Taib family company Mesti Bersatu has contributed a single penny to Delta Paddy in return for the quarter of all the shares that they have acquired. 
A further quarter of the shares are in the hands of the state agency Pelitia, most likely pending a suitable time for their ‘privatisation’ into the Taib family clutches, after the need for more state funding has passed (keep reading Sarawak Report for further evidence on this practice). 

In return for this private investment by Hii, the State Government and in particular the LCDA department of which Taib is Chairman, has granted an eye-watering level of ‘opportunities’ to Delta Padi.  These ‘opportunities’ also noticeably escalated in the aftermath of the incorporation of Mesti Bersatu in May 2007 and its involvement in the Delta Padi project. Sarawak Reports researches have now identified the following plots mainly in ulau Bruit, as having been handed to Delta:

(1)  3 plots in Sungai Lengan, Sibu (acquired 2005 – 2010) amounting to 100  hectares for a bargain  basement RM78,000 

(2) 6 plots in Batang Lebaan, Sibu (acquired 2007) amounting to 2,000 for  RM2.5 million 

(3) 2 plots in Sungai Buloh (acquired 1999) amounting to around 300 hectares  for nothing. 

(4) 4 plots in Serendeng Sarikei (acquired 2009 and 2010) amounting to 1,000 hectares for a give-away RM700,000 

(5) 2 plots in Tulai Meradong (acquired 2008) amounting to about 400  hectares for RM310,000

(6) 4 plots in Paloh (acquired 2000-2005) amounting to around 7,700 hectares between 1998-2008 for roughly RM 2.75 million

(7) 1 plot in Mukah (2008) of 5,000 hectares for RM 2.5 million.

Coming to court 

The recent extension of the lands handed to the Delta Padi venture has now sparked a legal action by 8 Native Iban villages, who will be represented by the human rights lawyer and PKR leader of Sarawak Baru Bian.  Mr Bian will most likely be surprised to discover that he is to be challenging the Chief Minister himself in this civil case, as locals were misleadingly informed that the company behind the Delta Padi project was Rimbunam Hijau, presumably in a mishandled attempt to hide Taib’s involvement. Sarawak Report is wondering when such civil cases against the Chief Minister will finally give way to more appropriate criminal cases in the Federal Courts of Malaysia, given the evidence of this and numerous other cases of corruption by BN in Sarawak?

To all Sarawakians let's Pray to God so that this old man receive his earthly  punishment soonest.. 

Sarawak Report Reveals Another Land Grab by Taib Mahmud

Kuching
Sunday, 5th December 2010

Sarawak Report has been piecing together documentation that enables us to prove for the first time that the Chief Minister has conducted land thefts on a massive scale from the people of Sarawak. Using a number of sources, many of which Taib has shamefully attempted to keep secret, we are now unravelling detailed information showing the full extent of his seizures of Native Customary Rights Lands for himself and his family and also the extraordinary profits he has made at the expense of his people.

The corruption has been so extensive and the affects have been so devastating to so many Dayak communities and to the environment of Sarawak, that we are unable to cover this issue in just one article. Instead we will be examining our evidence over coming weeks and bringing you the results in a series of reports, which will look at the impact of Taib’s destructive greed on communities the length and breadth of the state.

Clear pattern emerges under ‘Thief’ Minister

Yet, already we can point to a clear pattern of activity or ’modus operandi’, through which Taib has abused his power by helping himself and his family to Dayak lands. In his joint role as Resources and Planning Minister the Chief Minister pushes a policy of ’alienating’ Native Customary Rights (NCR)Lands in the name of ’development’, a practice which was recently ruled illegal by the Federal High Court.

However, he has always worked hard to keep the private benefactors of this public policy hidden! The identity ofthe companies originally handed parcels of Dayak land by the state authorities and also the sums they have been charged ought to be public information, but they have always been treated as a top state secret, marked confidential in the Land Registry!

Sarawak Report can now confirm the perhaps unsurprising truth that very many of these companies directly belong to Taib’s family, or indeed himself, or to people he owes political or business favours . Our evidence also details how the standard practice is for the Chief Minister to hand over great parcels of land to companies owned by his siblings for rock bottom prices (or nothing at all) who in turn sell on these companies as quickly as possible (usually in a matter of days) to a crony business partner for a massive profit.

The Taib family member then often cements the deal by taking up shares or directorships in the new parent company (often under a proxy or hidden identity) so that they can continue to enjoy the profits of developing the land, but in a less obvious capacity. This ‘development’ almost invariably consists of stripping the area of its valuable timber and then planting palm oil plantations, leaving the destitute Dayakcommunities with nothing but very low paid jobs and usually laughable levels of compensation.

One shocking case in point

Sarawak Report has established that this scandalous activity has taken place in one of the most controversial current land grabs being sponsored by the State of Sarawak. The very poor Melanau population of Pulau Bruit near Sibu are one of the many communities to have suffered from this form of ‘development’, even though they are from the Chief Minister’s own race. The island till recently was a precious remaining area of fast disappearing lowland mangrove forest with a National Park of protected land. In 2004 the Chief Minister saw fit to ‘develop’ the area for yet more palm plantations, despite the growing international outcry over the destruction of Sarawak by palm plantations.

Therefore in May 2004 10,000 hectares of the island was handed to a company Eastern Eden Sdn Bhd and a further 5,000 to a company Poh Zhen. Of course the natives knew nothing of such decisions over their land until the palm plantation company came and started stripping the area of its pristine mangrove forests the following year and planting oil palm in its place. The company offered the locals just RM120 ringgit per hectare for their land - a total of just over a million ringgit to be shared by the entire community for all their native lands.

Encik Bahrum, one of the headmen, explains how he learnt about the development when he went to the jungle one day for forage for fish and food. A short way in he discovered that a vast area had been flattened. Bahrum, whose people have always lived in the area, said that the plantation company at first promised the locals that they were stripping the area to grow padi fields for the population, but in fact their whole region has been covered in oil palm. NGOs have told Sarawak Report that protesters have complained of harassment and arrest and many have ended taking the compensation feeling they have no choice.

Suffering of the people

Bahrum says that his people are now desperately short of food, because the forest and fish have gone. They are also suffering polluted waters as a result of pesticides andfertilisers on the plantation. Few have received jobs. The ‘development’ is now spreading across the island and extending into Iban territories affecting 8 communities at Sungai Lengan. The NGO Sadia has alerted the Round Table on Sustainable Palm Oil that the logging also appears to be encroaching illegally into the National Park area on the island. The Ibans say that already their health and food supplies have been affected by the pollution of their waters by chemicals and that fish are dying and children are falling sick. No compensation has been offered to the Ibans.

Sadia and the law firm belonging to PKR opposition leader Baru Bian are now supporting the natives in a court case to protect their remaining lands and sue for proper compensation. But there will be little surprise that the community say they have had no such support from their local representative to the Federal Parliament Norah Binti Abdul Rahman. She also the Chief Executive of the Tanjun Manis ‘development’ project that is driving the destruction of the entire area and she happens to be the niece of Chief Minister, Taib Mahmud.

Norah and Taibtreated themselves in the summer to a state-funded visit to Oxford University in the UK (along with two plane loads of publicly funded officials) in order to promote their business projects in the region at notorious event hosted by the University’s Said Business School. Norah is seeking international funding for further logging and devastation in order to develop a ‘Halal food Hub’ in Malaysia’s Christian state.

Even less surprising has been Nora’s sudden recent announcement that a large sum of money is about to be spent on an infrastructure programme to bring roads, electricity and water to the people who have till now been totally neglected in the ‘development’ of their region and who have suffered the loss of their forest lands and fishing grounds. She is of course now looking for their support in the upcoming election, but whether the promises will be remembered after the election is over is another matter. Local people are advised to ignore the 60 ringgit bribes she will also offer and to continue to ignore her even if she ups the bribe money! It is their right to receive Norah’s bribe money and to vote for another party entirely.

We expose who really profits

This is because perhaps the most shocking aspect of this story is the part that has until now been kept most hidden. Our investigations have revealed just how much money Norah’s family has taken from the natives of Pulau Bruit. When the locals had sought the owners of the palm plantations who had been handed their land by Taib’s decision as Chief Minister and Planning and Resources Minister they learnt that the companies, Eastern Eden and Poh Zhen, belonged to Jaya Tiasa a subsidiary company of the vast timber company Ribunan Hijau, run by a key crony of the Chief Minister. Therefore, their representatives have been making their protests to this company.

However, Sarawak Report can now reveal that the original owners of these companies were Taib’s own brothers Arip and Ali Mahmud. They received the land grants from the government on 19th May 2004 paying RM 6 million for Eastern Eden plot of 10,000 hectares and RM 3 million for the Poh Zhen plot of 5,000 hectares. However, in just 12 days on 31st May they had sold on the companies to their crony tycoon Ribunan Hijau/Jaya Tiasa chief Tiong Choong for RM 33 million and RM 16 million! This represents a RM 40 million clean profit for the Taib family in a matter of 12 days!

Further, true to the pattern we have identified, the Aripfamily have continued to enjoy profitable ties with the company they sold out to. Sarawak Report has identified a large chunk of Jaya Tiasa shares continue to belong to the Arip family (he died in 2005). These shares were clearly handed to the family as an added ‘sweetner’ for the deal. This means that the Mahmud family continues to reap big profits from the palm oil plantations and the timber extraction from the lands that were stolen from the local communities on top of the fat profit they made from selling on land that Taib had handed to them well below market price.

More

Sarawak Report will be following the fortunes of the impoverished islanders of Palau Bruit as they campaign to save the little remaining area of their lands and to receive compensation. However, their tragic case is just one of hundreds of land grabs by the Chief Minister and his family across the State. We will be unveiling more about these outrages and the effect on the people of Sarawak in later reports.

This article is taken from Sarawak Report and republish in Bukittunggal for the benefit of all Sarawakian

Mupok Aku

Perikatan UMNO-MCA, Konvensyen Nasional dan Tuntutan Pilihanraya Persekutuan 1955

Kuching
Friday, 3rd Dec 2010

(Google Picture)

This paper outlines the cooperation between UMNO and MCA during the 1955 General Election in Malaya. Article written in Malay, by by Prof Madya Dr Oong Hak Ching from Pusat Pengajian Sejarah, Politik dan Strategi of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

Perikatan dan Konvensyen Nasional Sejak Perikatan UMNO-MCA memenangi pilihanraya Majlis Perbandaran Kuala Lumpur dalam tahun 1952 pemimpin-pemimpin politik UMNO terutama Tunku Abdul Rahman meneruskan perjuangan untuk mendapat kemajuan poltik yang lebih besar dan mengharapkan kerajaan British mengambil langkah-langkah untuk mengadakan pilihanraya di peringkat Persekutuan bagi membolehkan penglibatan yang lebih masyarakat Tanah Melayu dalam pemilihan wakil mereka ke Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan dan seterusnya mencapai kemerdekaan. 

Keanggotan Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan cuma terbuka kepada wakil-wakil yang dilantik oleh Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British yang dianggap mewakili pertubuhan-pertubuhan politik, sosial dan perniagaan dan perusahaan, kesatuan sekerja dan lain-lain golongan berkepentingan. Dalam perjuangan untuk mendapatkan kemerdekaan Tunku mengharapkan sokongan masyarakat Cina yang diwakili oleh MCA.

Melalui surat-suratnya kepada pemimpin-pemimpin MCA, Tunku Abdul Rahman memperlihatkan kesediaannya memberi konsesi politik yang lebih luas kepada masyarakat Cina (Oong Hak Ching, 2000).

Hasil perbincangan ini mereka bersetuju untuk mengadakan majlis pertemuan tidak formal pada 3 Februari 1953 di pejabat Persatuan Pelombong Cina Selangor (Selangor Chinese Miners’ Association) di Foch Avenue Kuala Lumpur. Lima wakil daripada UMNO terdiri dari Tunku Abdul Rahman, Inche Sardon Jubir, Inche S A Bahaman, Dr. Ismail Rahman dan Syed Nasir bin Ismail. Wakil-wakil MCA pula ialah Dato Sir Cheng-lock Tan (Tan Cheng Lock), Col. H.S.Lee, Mr. Leong Yew Koh, Mr.S.M. Yong dan Mr. Ong Yock Lin. T. H. Tan, Ketua Setiausaha Eksekutif MCA bertindak sebagai Setiausaha majlis mesyuarat tidak formal ini. Para hadirin bersetuju Tan Cheng Lock menjadi pengerusi mesyuarat ini dan Tunku pula akan mempengerusi mesyuarat akan datang dan seterusnya kedua-dua tokoh ini akan bergilir-gilir mempengerusikan mesyuarat UMNO-MCA. Tan Cheng Lock memaklumkan kepada majlis tujuan mesyuarat ini diadakan bagi menentukan agenda bagi persidangan mejabulat UMNO-MCA..

Sebelum membincangkan lebih lanjut agenda mesyuarat tersebut Tan Cheng Lock memberi penjelasan mengenai usaha-usaha MCA untuk membantu mengatasi masalah ekonomi masyarakat Melayu dan mengingatkan hadirin bahawa orang Cina bukan lah punca yang menyebabkan masalah ekonomi masyarakat Melayu. Yang harus dipersalahkan ada lah kerajaan British yang memberikan pendidikan hanya untuk membolehkan orang Melayu menjadi budak pejabat dan kerani. MCA sendiri telah menyediakan peruntukan berjumlah $500,000.00 bagi membantu masyarakat Melayu.

Menurut Tan Cheng Lock : 

‘… it was important… to redress the economic unbalance of the Malays. The Chinese should share their business experiance with the Malays. What harm could this do ? Malaya would be richer if there could be 20 Malay millionaires ; the more rich the Malays the country had, the better for the Malay and for the country. (SSP HSLee , Minit Mesyuarat)

Perlu dijelaskan di sini bahawa isu ini telah banyak diperkatakan dalam mesyuarat Jawatankuasa hubungan Kaum yang diadakan sejak 1949. Pada masa itu UMNO diwakili oleh Dato Onn Jafaar. Tetapi dalam mesyuarat ini UMNO diwakili oleh Tunku dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO yang belum pernah berbincang dengan MCA.

Cakap-cakap pemimpin MCA memang memberi kesan kepada Tunku Abdul Rahman yang menyatakan 

‘ …the myth of Chinese economic domination of Malaya had already been exploded. ‘ Tunku juga bersetuju masalah ekonomi orang Melayu berpunca daripada penjajahan British dan menyatakan ‘ For to long the Malays had been content to play the part of ‘ scramblers after the crums’. Today the Malays did not want to play that part any longer…’ Tunku berpendapat … there could never be any true understanding between the Malays and the other races because of the British policy of Divide- and- Rule» ‘ Tunku mengalu-alukan kerjasama UMNO-MCA. Menurut Tunku : ‘With the guidance of God, with the help of Col Lee, MR. S.M Yong, Mr. Ong Yoke Lin and few other , the UMNO-MCA alliance was started. It began first in Kuala Lumpur, and since spread to Johore and Malacca with very good result in the local elections.

…this alliance should be forged ahead wherever there were to be elections’ (SSP HSLee, minit mesyuarat)

Tan Cheng Lock bersetuju bahawa agenda untuk perbincangan dalam persidangan Meja-bulat UMNO-MCA ada lah mengenai kemerdekaan. Tetapi sebelum perkara ini dibincangkan UMNO-MCA perlu « … that the Malays and Chinese who together formed 90 percent of the population, must get together and stand on a common platform of understanding and co-operation. » H.S. Lee menambah bahawa ‘ …. That UMNO and MCA should be practical and think out ways and means to achieve the goal of selfgovernment’.

Mesyuarat tidak formal ini membuat tiga ketetapan : 

Jawatankuasa Perhubungan UMNO-MCA ditubuhkan di seleruh negeri ;Tahun 1954 sebagai tarikh pelaksaan prinsip-prinsip menentu kelayakan menjadi pengundi Pilihanraya Persekutuan ; dan pembentukan jawatankuasa kecil untuk merangka deraf peratoran pilihanraya Persekutuan. Jawatankuasa ini terdiri dari Dr Ismail, Sardon Jubir, S.M Yong dan H.S.Lee. 

Sebagai langkah susulan mesyuarat tidak formal yang kedua diadakan pada 21 Februari 1953 di Singapura. Mesyuarat ini dipengerusikan oleh Tunku Abdullah Rahman. UMNO diwakili oleh Inche Sardon Jubir, Syed Nasir, Dr Ismail Rahman bin Mohd. Hashim. MCA pula diwakili oleh Tan Cheng Lock, H. S.Lee, Ong Yoke Lin dan T.H.Tan. 

Tunku memaklum kepada mesyuarat bahawa ketetapan yang dibuat oleh mesyuarat bersama UMNO-MCA tidak mengikut UMNO mahupun MCA. Keputusan mesyuarat Cuma dijadikan sebagai cadangan yang akan dikemukakan kepada pertubuhan masing-masing dan bergantung kepada jawatankuasa eksekutif UMNO atau MCA hendak menerima atau tidak. 

Dalam mesyuarat ini lah buat kali pertama Tunku mengemukakan cadangan supaya dianjorkan kongres kebangsaan yang kemudian dikenali sebagai konvesyen nasional. Menurut Tunku 

“…in view of the interest envinced in the deliberations of the Joint Committee and as a counter to suspicion and sabotage through the propaganda of thoses who did not want to see the Chinese and Malays uniting, UMNO and MCA should sponsor a sort of national congress to which other bodies, like IMP , Labour, etc., should be invited to participate in the discussions.

Menurut co 1022/151, “The original idea of holding some form of national conference or congress probably derived from the resolutions of the Asian Socialist Conference in Rangoon dan ida ini dibawa pula oleh Mohamed Sopiee.

Cadangan Tunku hanya mendapat sokongan daripada Sardon Jubir. Tan Cheng  Lock dan H.S Lee tidak bersetuju dengan cadangan ini buat sementara waktu. Menurut Tan Cheng Lock

 “…such a congress should have a very limited agenda’ dan ia meningatkan mengenai “…the danger of convening such a congress without the Chinese and the Malays first agreeing absolutely on each principle to be put before the congress, otherwise there would be a serious split and the British would make capital of it by citing it as another example that the people of this country could not agree with one another.”

 H. S. Lee bersetuju dengan pandangan Tan Cheng Lock dan menyatakan “…such congress would be the eventual result of the deliberations of the Joint Committee dan dengan tegas menyatakan “ We cannot have it now” Manakala Ong Yong Lin pula menyatakan orang India yang mempunyai kesedaran politik yang kuat mungkin akan menimbulkan kekacaauan dalam congress berkenaan dan juga kongres tersebut akan menimbulkan “ serious differences of opinion and dissension. Dr Ismail pula menyatakan kebimbangan mengnai “ what would be the position of the Joint Committee once such a Congress was convened.” Mesyuarat akhir memutuskan bahawa cadangan mengadakan kongres ditunda hingga UMNO dan MCA dapat mencapai kata sepakat mengenai prinsip-prinsip asas yang melibatkan kepentingan kaum masing-masing terutama dalam soal kelayakan menjadi pengundi.

Mesyuarat tidak formal UMNO-MCA yang ketiga diadakan pada 8 Mac 1953 di Johor Baharu. Mesyuarat ini dipengerusi oleh Tan Cheng Lock dengan dihadiri oleh wakil-wakil UMNO kecuali Syed Nasir dan S. A. Bahaman dan wakil-wakil MCA termasuk Leong Yew Koh.

H.S.Lee melaporkan bahawa deraf cadangan mengenai Peratoran-peratoran Pilihanraya Persekutuan masih belum dapat disiapkan dan berjanji akan disiapkan sebelum ia ke England pada 18 Mac. Tunku menekankan peri mustahak deraf berkenaan disiapkan kerana ia akan mengemukakan kepada Perhimpunan Agong UMNO yang akan berlangsung pada awal April.

Tunku Abdul Rahman membangkitkan kembali mengenai isu mengandakan kongres kebangsaan. Tunku menyebutkan bahawa akbar membuat komen berhubung dengan pertemuan tidak formal UMNO-MCA dan ia dituduh menjual hak-hak orang Melayu kepada orang Cina. Tunku berpendapat kongres harus diadakan secepat mungkin bagi membersihkan namanya. Tunku memaklumkan bahawa Inche Mohamed Sopiee yang menjadi Pengerusi Parti Buruh Se Malaya (Pan-Malayan Labour Party ) dan juga pegawai perhubungan UMNO Pulau Pinang dan Seberang Perai bermint untuk menganjurkan kongres.

Cadangan Tunku telah ditolak oleh mesyuarat. H. S.Lee sekali lagi tidak bersetuju dengan menyatakan:

“…surely a Congress would of no use until the UMNO General Assembly and the M.C.A. Working Committee had first approved the Federal Election proposals.” 

Dr Ismail pula mencadangkan agar mereka cuba mendapatkan sokongan akbar bagi menggelakkan komen-komen buruk ditimbulkan mengenai perbincangan tidak formal UMNO-MCA dan juga mereka sendiri menerbitkan akhbar. 

Tan Cheng Lock menyokong pandang Dr Ismail dan mencadangkan T. H. Tan yang juga merupakan bekas wartawan Singapore Standard dapat memberi nasihat kepada akhbar berkenaan. Tan Cheng Lock sendiri akan berbincang dengan Aw Boon Haw pemilik akhbar berkenaan.

Harapan Tunku sebagai mewakili golongan moderate untuk menganjorkan kongres kebangsaan yang pertama yang menggabungkan Melayu dan bukan Melayu telah hancur kerana beberapa penyokong kuat Dato Onn dan pemimpin-pemimpin IMP dan Menteri-menteri Besar telah pun membuat persiapan bagi menganjurkan kongres kebangsaan.

Dato Panglima Gantang bersama-sama dengan Menteri Besar Kelantan , Kedah, Negeri Sembilan, Johor, Terangganu dan Selangor dan beberapa pemimpin lain telah mengumumkan mereka akan menganjorkan satu persidangan di Kuala Lumpur pada 27 April 1953 dengan tujuan menghimpunkan

"all those leaders who strive sincerely for a united, free and independence Malayan nation …to consider how they can best in co-operation forward their splend ideal." 

Presiden UMNO menerima pelawaan daripada Dato Panglima Bukit Gantang untuk menghantar dua orang wakil menyertai persidangan ini.(SSPSHLee, Minit Msyuarat tidak formal UMNO-MCA, 2 April 1953).

Dalam mesyuarat tidak formal yang kelima yang diadakan pada 2 April di Melaka pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO-MCA telah membincang dengan panjang lebar mengenai Nasional Konferens dan pelawan yang mereka terima untuk turut serta dalam persidangan berkenaan. Surat pelawaan kepada Presiden UMNO itu menyatakan

“ My colleague and I extend a cordial invitation to the United Malays National Organisation and very much hope that your organization will be able to accept this invitation to participate in the conference and nominate two representative to attend.” Seterusnya surat itu menyatakan : “We hope and believe that the conference will be widely representative of Malayan leaders of all races, and that it will make a valuable contribution to inter-communal harmony and national unity.”

Persidangan Kebangsaan bertujuan untk “…consider all matters discussed at the conference and make  recommendations at this conference at its meeting as to the steps that should be taken to build a united self-governing Malaya nation.”

Tan Cheng Lock berpendapat bahawa tujuan asas persidangan itu ada lah “ to form a Working Committee dominated by the Mentris Besar.” Daripada maklumat yang diterima oleh Lau Pak Khuan Menteri Besar Perak bercadang untuk membentuk Persatuan Kebangsaan Perak dan sesiapa yang enggan menjadi ahli akan dianggap menderhaka kepada Perak. Tunku tidak menolak kemungkinan menerima jemputan berkenaan dengan syarat mereka diberikan perwakilan yang mencukupi sesuai kedudukan mereka sebagai pertubuhan terbesar.

Tan Cheng Lock juga bersetuju supaya UMNO dan MCA menyertai persidangan berkenaan untuk menunjukkan yang “we are reasonable.” Tetapi Leong Yew membantah dengan menyatakan “ UMNO and MCA should not allow their action to be influence by the sponsors of the National Conference.” Dato Razak juga tidak bersetuju , bahkan menyatakan “…the Mentris Besar should not be in the conference at all.” Setelah berbincang begitu panjang lebar Tunku membuat andaian bahawa “The National Conference was intended to forestall the National Congress.” Mereka bersetuju jawapan yang akan dihantar kepada Dato’

Paglima Gantang antara lain menyatakan UMNO dan MCA bersimpati dengan dengan matlamat asas pihak penganjor dan UMNO-MCA akan “redouble the efforts of the Malay and Chinese communities in Malaya…to create in this country a society where people enjoy peace and freedom, prosperity and happiness.” (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Mesyuarat ini menyatakan cadangan Nasional Konferens dan Jawatankuasa yang akan dibentuk akan didominasi oleh pegawai tinggi pentadbiran kerajaan dan individuindividu yang tidak mewakili mana kelompok penduduk .UMNO-MCA berpendapat “ the desire for a united Malayan Nation and self-government for Malaya must spring from the people.” UMNO dan MCA berpendapat persidangan ini tidak membayangkan kehendak yang sebenar penduduk-penduduk di wilayah ini dan tidak mempunyai kewibawaan yang mencukupi berasas prinsip-prinsip demokrasi untuk meletakka asasasas bagi pembinaan “ a united self-governing Malayan nation.” (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat).

Berikutan dengan peristewa di atas telah mengadakan perbincangan tidak formal wakil-wakil persidangan meja-bulat Perikatan di Singapura pada 30 Mei 1953. UMNO diwakili oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman dan Dr Ismail Rahman. MCA pula diwakili oleh Tan Cheng Lock dan Leong Yew Koh. Parti Buru Se Malaya turut menghantar wakil ia itu Mohamed sopiee. T. H. Tan turut hadir sebagai Setiausaha mesyuarat. Tunku Abdul

Rahman menekankan peripenting cadangan Kongres Kebangsaan dengan menumpukan perhatian kepada satu atau dua perkara ia itu pilihanraya peringkat Persekutuan dan cadangan reform Majlisi Perundangan Persekutuan dan Majlis Eksekutif. Tetapi Mohamed Sopiee menekankan bahawa persidangan itu perlu menjaga kepentingan orang ramai. Menurutnya “Some programme for the benefit of the people should be mapped out for placing before the Congress. Mesyuarat ini membincangkan komposisi kongres dan pertubuhan-pertubuhan yang akan dijemput yang antara lain termasuk UMNO, MCA, PMU, pertubuhan-pertubuhan India saperti MIC, FIO, MIA, dan MBIA, Persatuan Orang Serani, Persekutuan Ceylon Tanah Melayu, SCBA dan juga IMP.

Objektif awal Kongress ini untuk membentuk National Congress Party of Malaya dan membolehkan pilihanraya umum diadakan pada tahun 1954 dan disusuli dengan reform Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan dan Majlis Eksekutif.

Persidangan meja-bulat ini mencadangkan 15 orang pemimpin dipilih untuk menganjur kongres kebangsaan. Mereka terdiri dari Tunku Abdul Rahman, Dr Ismail Rahman, Inche Sardon Jubir, A. Bahaman, dan Dr Suleiman Rahman dari UMNO; Dato Sir Cheng-lock Tan, Leong Yew Koh, Col. H.S.Lee, Ong Yoke Lin dan S.M. Yong dari MCA dan Mohamed Sopiee, Wong Pak Choy, M. Arokiasamy, Mohamed Khir Johari

dan Lee Moke Seng dari PMLP (Buruh).Persidangan ini juga telah melantik Pro-tem Sekretariat yang terdiri dari T. H. Tan, Inche Asnall bin Hadi dan Yap Choong Koon.

Persidangan meja-bulat Perikatan juga telah merangka sebuah manifesto yang akan dikemukakan dalam Kongres Kebangsaan Malaya yang kemudian dikenali sebagai Nasional Konvensyen yang akan dijangka diadakan pada 1 Julai 1953. Yang menariknya manifesto ini membayangkan hasrat UMNO, MCA dan PLMP untuk menubuhkan sebuah parti tidak perkauman yang namanya dicadangkan People Congress Party atau National Congress Party of Malaya. Manifesto ini antara lain menyebutkan bahawa

“We people of Malaya, as represented by our political organizations, determined to establish in strength and unity INDEPENDENT STATE in which the sovereignty of the sultans as constitutional Rulers of their respective territories be maintained, to establish social order on the basis of the eternal principles of JUSTICE, LIBERTY and UNITY…

Perikatan juga menekankan prinsip “Equality of citizenship rights, privileges and duties.” (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat) Perikatan juga bersetuju taboran calon untuk pilihanraya dengan berkadar Melayu:8, Cina:6, Buruh:4, India:2 dan lain-lain:1. Berasaskan kadar ini UMNO kelihatan begitu generous terhadap masyarakat bukan Melayu. Tetapi kadar ini dikaji semula berikutan Parti Buruh menarik diri dan calon Melayu daripada UMNO dalam Pilihanraya Persekutuan 1955 juga lebih banyak daripada yang dijangkakan.

Manifesto ini juga menyatakan Bahasa Melayu akan menjadi bahasa rasmi bersam-sama bahasa Inggeris dan perkembangan kebudayaan berbangai bangsa akan digalakkan. Tiada halangan dari pemakaian bahasa Cina dan bahasa Tamil sebagai bahasa pengantar di sekolah-sekolah kebangsaan yang akan ditubuhkan. Di sekolah-sekolah yang menggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar, bahasa Inggeris perlu diajar sebagai mata pelajaran wajib. Di Sekolah berbahasa pengantar Cina atau Tamil, bahasa Melayu dan Inggeris menjadi mata pelajaran wajib.

Pada 19 Jun 1953 satu mesyuarat wakil-wakil UMNO, MCA dan PMLP telah diadakan di Hotel Majestic Kuala Lumpur untuk meneruskan perbincangan mengenai rancangan mengadakan Kongres Kebangsaan. Wakil-wakil UMNO terdiri dari Tunku Abdul Rahman, Dr Ismail Rahman, Sardon Jubir dan Suleiman. Wakil-wakil MCA terdiri dari Tan Cheng Lock, Leong Yew Koh, Leung Cheung Ling yang mengantikan

H.S.Lee dan Ong Yoke Lin. Wakil-waakil PMLP pula terdiri Mohamed Sopiee, Wong Pak Choy, A.Arokiasamy, John Emanuel dan K.C.Chia. Turut hadir T,H. Tan, Hasnul bin Abd. Hadi , Lee Moke Seng dan . Syed Jaafar Albar juga turut hadir. 

Mesyuarat ini  dipengerusikan oleh Tunku. Sardon melaporkan bahawa Perhimpunan Agung telah memberi kelulusan kepada cadangan menganjurkan kongres. PLMP juga tidak ada masalah untuk turut menganjurkan kongres ini. Tetapi Jawatankuasa Kerja MCA masih dalam peringkat mempertimbangkan buruk baiknya kepada orang ramai dengan mengadakan kongres ini.
Sebelum perbincangan lanjut Tunku mencadangkan kongres nanti menerima empat perkara:

(1) That in order to serve its purposes, this country must have independence and intends to get it by peaceful and constitutional means;

(2) That we shall maintain all that is good in, and for the country; 

(3) That general elections be held in 1954 as a first step towards independence;

(4) After the general elections, the nxt step will be to plan what we should do when we get power. Whaever plans proposed should be for the benefit of all the people of the country and not a section of them. (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Tunku dengan tegas menyatakan “…the greatest menace would be class war and this should be avoided at all costs.” (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Dr Ismail pula membangkitkan kenyatan Parti Buruh yang boleh menimbulkan salah faham dan menjejaskan kedudukan kongres kelak. Kenyataan itu menyebutkan kemungkinan kerajaan British tidak semata-mata mengiktiraf kongres sebagai wakil tunggal pertubuhan kebangsaan. British mungkin memberi pengiktiran juga kepada Persidangan Kebangsaan yang ditaja oleh Menteri-menteri sebagai wakil pertubuhan kebangsaan. Kerajaan British akan berunding dengan kongres dan juga persidangan dalam isu yang berkaitan dengan kemedekaan. Untuk kepentingan orang ramai pihak kongres harus cuba menggelakan dari mengambil tindakan yang boleh mencetuskan kontrovesi atan memutuskan hubungan sehingga berpatah arang dengan Persidangan Kebangsaan. Pada pandangan Parti Buruh pihak Persidangan Kebangsaan mungkin juga dapat memberi sokongan sejauh mungkin dalam soal kerjasama di antara kedua-dua pihak. Dr Ismail menyatakan Parti Buruh harus membuat pilihan untuk menyertai Persidangan kebangsaan atau Kongres Kebangsaan. Tan Cheng Lock meminta mesyuarat menumpukan perhatian kepada “ the main points of its business” ia itu pilihanraya umum dan kemerdekaan. 

Mohamed Sopiee, Suleiman Rahman dan S.M.Yong diminta merangka deraf ketetapan mesyuarat yang mengandungi kenyataan bahawa:

There shall forthwith be formed a National Congress of Malaya comprising democratic Malayan Political Organisation for the attainment by peaceful and constitutional means, of a sovereign and independence State of Malaya within the Commonwealth to:

(a) establish, protect and uphold the principles of full responsible representative Government of the people, for the people, by the people:

(b) safeguarde the position of the Rulers of the Malay States as constitutional heads:

(c) adopt, enforce and uphold the fundamental principles of Human rights laid down by the United Nations Organisation:

(d) establish, protect and uphold of worship, thought and expression, and of Association:

(e) consider and reconcile the conflicting claims of the various communities and groups and to protect the rights of the minorities. (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Ketetapan ini juga menyebutkan bahawa pilihanraya Persekutuan harus diadakan pada 1954 sebagai langkah pertama kearah pencapaian kemerdekaan dan kedaulatan Malaya. Perikatan UMNO-MCA menghadapi banyak masalah untuk menganjorkan Kongress kebangsaan termasuk perselisihan faham di antara MCA dengan pemimpin-pemimpin Parti Buruh yang menyebabkan parti ini menarik diri daripada menjadi

penganjur. Mesyuarat Perikatan UMNO-MCA yang di adakan di Johor Baru pada 10 Julai 1953 tidak disertai oleh wakil-wakil Parti Buruh. MCA Cuma menghantar dua wakil: Tan Cheng Lock dan Ong Yoke Lin. T. H.Tan turut hadir sebagai pemerhati.

UMNO pula menghantar enam orang wakil termasuk muka baru Mohd Yasin Abdul Rahman. Mesyuarat ini dipengerusi oleh Tan Cheng Lock. Mesyuarat dimaklumkan bahawa Mohamed Sopiee telah memberi ucapan dalam mesyuarat Pemuda UMNO di Pulau Pinang yang dianggap cuba menimbulkan perselesihan faham di antara MCA dengan UMNO. Ucapan ini dilaporkan dalam akhbar Melayu Raya pada 28 Jun 1953 yang antara lain menyatakan jika mereka dipaksa memilih di antara dua kuasa: Imperialis British atau kapitalis, maka lebih baik mereka mengikut kerajaan British. Tetapi jika tiada pilihan ada lah menjadi tanggung jawab

mereka untuk menypokong rakyat bagi memperoleh kemerdekaan. Menurut Mohamed Sopiee PMLP menyokong perjuangan UMNO tetapi tidak boleh berkerjasama dengan MCA yang keiklasan boleh diragukan. Mohamed Sopiee mengemukakan pertanyaan kepada hadirin “Do you think the MCA wants independence?” (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Tindakan Mohamed sopiee ini dilakukan kerana MCA tidak menampakan kesungguhan bagi mendapat mandat dari anggota-anggotanya untuk menganjurkan Kongres Kebangsaan. Berikutan dengan kekecohan yang ditimbulkan ini PMLP mengambil keputusan menarik diri daripada menjadi anggota penganjur Kongres

Kebangsaan. Lee Moke Sang, Setiausaha Agung PMLP dalam suratnya kepada Tunku Abdul Rahman memaklumkan hal ini tetapi menyokong usaha pembentukan Malayan Peoples Congress untuk memperjuangkan kemerdekaan dan mereka akan turut hadir jika dijemput. Tindakan Mohamed Sopiee akhirnya memberi kesan positif. 

MCA kemudiannya tidak lagi berbelah bahagi menyokong Kongres Kebangsaan. Mesyuarat Perikatan UMNO-MCA ini mengambil keputusan untuk menunda tarikh mengadakan Kongres Kebangsaan kepada 15 dan 16 Ogos 1953 dengan alasan MCA sedang menjalankan pungutan suara dari ahli-ahlinya mengenai kongres ini. Tarikh ini ditunda lagi memandangkan Perikatan UMNO-MCA masih tidak dapat menyelesaikan beberapa masalah teknikal seperti bilangan pertubuhan dan perwakilan yang akan dijemput dan juga menunggu respons daripada pertubuhan-pertubuhan yang berkenaan. Pada 17 Ogos 1953 Perikatan mengadakan mesyuarat di Kelab Pelombong-pelombong Cina Selangor, Kuala Lumpur untuk membincangkan persiapan terakhir.

UMNO diwakili oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman, Dato Razak, Dr Ismail bin a. rahman dan Aziz bin Ishak. MCA pula diwakili oleh Col. H. S. Lee, Ong Yoke Lin dan Leung Cheung Ling. T.H. Tan juga turut hadir.

Tunku melaporkan kepada mesyuarat bahawa pertubuhan-pertubuhan politik Melayu telah menganjurkan Persidangan Politik Melayu (Malay Political Conference) di Johor baharu. Pertubuhan politik Melayu turut hadir melainkan Persatuan Kebangsaan Perak. Menurut Tunku “ It was a very successful meeting.” Tunku menjelaskan bahawa Persidangan Politik Melayu berkenaan bertujuan untuk membincangkan “…the basis

representation at the National Convention.” Beberapa wakil menyatakan perasaan tidak puas hati mereka dengan saiz perwakilan dari Masyarakat Melayu yang dianggap kecil berbanding dengan bilangan penduduk Melayu. Dr. Ismail meminta penjelasan mengapa ada pertubuhan-pertubuhan Melayu yang besar tidak dijemput. Ia juga memberi cadangan jika kemerdekaan tidak boleh diperolehi dengan cara pilihanraya, mereka boleh mendapatkannya dengan mengadakan rundingan dengan kerajaan British. Tunku tidak bersetuju dan berpendapat mereka terpaksa menunggu sampai hari Kiamat untuk mendapat kemerdekaan menerusi rundingan dengan kerajaan British.(SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Col. H.S. Lee pula memberi laporan mengenai jemputan ke Konvesyen Nasional jawapan yang diterima daripada beberapa pertubuhan. PMLP tidak dapat membuat keputusan muktamad sehingga 21 Ogos. Kongres India Malaya (Malayan Indian Congress), Malayan-Born Indian Association , Malayan Indian Association dan Eurasian Union of Malaya menyatakan mereka tidak akan menyertai Nasional Konvesyen. Cuma Persatuan Melayu Semenanjung (Peninsula-Malays Union) pimpinan Hashim Ghani memberi jawapan yang positif. 

PMU akan menghantar Che Hashim Ghani dan Che Darus Ahmad sebagai perwakilan dan lima pemerhati terdiri dari Talib Ahmad, Abdul Majid bin Shaik Daud, Hashim Hamzah, Arshad Noordin, dan Ariffin Hussin.

Memandangkan sambutan dingin daripada pertubuhan-pertubuhan politik mesyuarat ini memutuskan Nasional Konvensyen dibuka kepada orang ramai.

Mesyuarat ini memutuskan Tunku Abdul Rahman akan dilantik sebagai Pengerusi Konvensyen ini. Tan Cheng Lock akan membuat cadangan dan Dato Razak akan memberi sokongan. Tan Cheng Lock akan menjadi Naib Pengerusi. T.H. Tan menjadi Setiausaha, Dato Razak sebagai ketua perwakilan UMNO dan Aziz Ishak

sebagai Penolong Setiausaha. Perikatan UMNO-MCA juga menyiapkan kertas cadangan mengenai “ Executive Council Constitution and Election Proposals” untuk dibentangkan dalam Nasional Konvensyen. Akhirnya Kongress Kebangsaan yang ditukar namanya kepada Konvesyen Nasional diadakan pada 23 Ogos 1953, kemudian pada 11 Oktober 1953 dan 14 Februari 1954. Perikatan UMNO-MCA menjemput 15 pertubuhan tetapi yang hadir cuma empat buah tidak termasuk Perikatan. Pertubuhan itu ialah PAS (Pan-

Malayan Islamic Party), PMU (Peninsular Malays Union ), KMU (the Kelantan Malay Union ) dan Parti Buruh Tanah Melayu (the Pan-Malayan Labour Party). 

Konvensyen Nasional mengeluarkan manifestonya yang antara lain menyatakan : "We the people of Malaya, as reprensented by our political organisations, determined to establish strenght and unity independent state ( in which the sovereignty of the sultans as constitutional Rulers of their respective territories shall be maintain) , social order on the basis of eternal principles of justice, liberty and unity…" (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat).

Konvensyen ini juga meminta supaya Pilihanraya Persekutuan diadakan pada atau sebelum bulan November 1954. Nasional Konvensyen juga telah menerima ketetapanketetapan lain yang dibuat oleh Perikatan UMNO-MCA. 

Nasional Konvensyen telah menubuhkan sebuah jawatankuasa khas untuk “ …consider and recommend Constitutional Reforms in the Federation of Malaya” .Jawatankuasa ini mengandungi 10 ahli yang antaraa lain termasuk Tunku Abdul Rahman, Dr Ismail, H, S. .Lee , S.M. Yong, Ong Yoke, Mohd Daud bin Haji Salleh

(PMMK), Ahmad bin Abd. Rahim (PMU, Johor Baharu) dan lain-lain. Jawatankuasa ini telah membuat laporan yang akan dikemukakan kepada Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British di Tanah Melayu. Antara lain jawatankuasa ini berpendapat “…the time has arrived for elections to the Federal Legislature…as indicated by the fact that there is popular demad for such elections.” Pertubuhan-pertubuhan seperti PMLP, MIC, dan Parti Kebangsaan Perak juga menuntut supaya pilihanraya diadakan pada 1954. (SSP HSLee, Minit

mesyuarat)

Laporan ini mencadangankan supaya “franchise be liberalized at least for the first Federal elections.”  Kelayakan menjadi pengundi sebagaimana yang dicadangkan oleh jawatankuasa ini berasas prinsip-prinsip berikut:

(a) Subjects of the Rulers of the Malay States

(b) Federal Citizens;

(c) Any person born in any part of the Federation of Malaya and ordinarily resident in the Federation of Malaya for the last five years immediately preceding the elections;

(d) British subject born in Singapore and ordinarily resident in the Federation of Malaya for the last seven years immediately preceding the elections. (SSP HSLee, Minit mesyuarat)

Kerajaan British telah membentuk sebuah Jawatankuasa untuk mengkaji penyusunan semula Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan sebagai respon kepada desakan Perikatan dan pertubuhan-pertubuhan politik yang diwakili oleh Persidangan Kebangsaan dan Konvensyen Nasional. Jawatankuasa ini mengandungi 46 ahli yang kebanyakan mereka daripada pengikut Dato Onn dan wakil-wakil dalam Persidangan Kebangsaan

(National Conference ). Perikatan UMNO-MCA cuma diberi peluang menghantar tujuh wakil sahaja. Satu angka yang terlalu kecil bagi dua pertubuhan politik yang kuat dan besar ini.

Pada Januari 1954, Jawatankuasa Pilihanraya menghasilkan laporan yang menunjukkan mereka tidak dapat mencapai kata sepakat. Laporan Majoriti mencadangkan bahawa 48 dilantik dan 44 dipilih. Ini bermakna mereka mahu melambatkan proses membawa Tanah Melayu  kearah berkerajaan sendiri. Laporan Minoriti yang disokong oleh Perikatan mencadangkan 60 dipilih dan 40 dilantik.Perikatan mengemukakan cadangan majoriti ahli dipilih kerana mereka diduga akan memenangi Pilihan raya yang akan diadakan kelak.

Laporan Jawatankuasa Pilihanraya telah dikemukakan kepada Pesuruhjaya Tinggi dan Persidangan Raja-raja. Sebuah Kertas Putih (White Paper) telah diterbitkan mengandungi satu tolak ansur: Dewan Perundangan Persekutuan yang disusun semula akan mengandongi 98 ahli dengan 46 dilantik dan 52 dipilih. Perikatan tidak puashati dan menuntut supaya sekurang-kuranya 3/5 ahli Dewan Perundangan baru dipilih.Perikatan

mengambil keputusan menghantar delegasi ke London untuk membincangkan isu berkenaan dengan Setiausaha Negara Bagi Tanahjajahan. Wakil-wakil Perikataan terdiri daripada Tunku Abdul Rahman, Dato Razak dan T.H. Tan.

Melalui pertolongan Lord Ogmore, wakil-wakil Perikatan telah dapat menemui Setiausaha Bagi Negara. Perikatan mengatakan mereka tidak dapat menerima cadangan Kertas Putih kerana pihak yang menang dalam Pilihanraya tidak berupaya membentuk sebuah kerajaan yang kuat dan mereka boleh dipermain-mainkan oleh ahli-ahli yang dilantik.

Selain daripada kos mengadakan pilihanraya terlalu besar dan membebankan parti-parti yang bertanding. Rombongan Perikatan gagal mendapat sokong Setiausaha Negara Bagi tanah jajahan. Sekembali mereka ke Tanah Melayu mereka meneruskan tuntutan berkenaan. Templer bersetuju dengan beberapa cadangan Perikatan dan membayangkan kemungkinan beberapa ahli-ahli khas yang akan dilantik oleh Pesuruhjaya Tinggi diambil daripada mereka yang dicadangkan oleh pihak yang menang.

Pada 13 Jun 1954 Perikatan UMNO-MCA mengambil keputusan memboikot kerajaan dengan menarik ahli-ahli mereka yaang dilantk dalam badaan-badan kerajaan. Antara mereka yang meletak jawatan termasuklah H.S. Lee (Pengangkutan), Ismail (Sumber Alam) dan Tunku sendiri.

British berpendapat tindakan Perikatan tidak akan berkesan kerana kebanyakan ahli-ahli yang dilantik dalam Dewan Perundangan dan badan-badan kerajaan terdiri daripada penyokong Dato Onn dan Parti Negara yang mengantikan IMP.

Pada 24 Jun 1954, the Federation of Malaya Agreement (Amendment) Bill telah dibentangkan di Dewan Perundangan oleh Dato Onn selaku Ahli Ehwal dalam Negeri. 59 ahli-ahli Dewan yang hadir telah meluluskan Rang Undang-undang ini dengan sebulat suara. 16 ahli Perikatan UMNO-MCA memulaukan persidangan ini kerana mereka menyedari dengan kedudukan sebagai golongan minoriti yang begitu kecil mereka tidak

mempengarohi keputusan Dewan. Pindaan perlembagaan dilakukan mengikut cadangan Kertas Putih dan Pilihanraya akan diadakan pada Julai 1955.

Selepas kegagalannya Perikatan telah mengubah strategi perjuangan dengan cuba mendapat sokongan daripada Sultan-sultan. Pada 2 Julai 1954, mereka mengadakan perarakan yang dihadiri oleh seramai 2000 orang ke Johor Baharu untuk mengadap dan mengemukakan petisi yang antara lain meminta supaya dilantik sebuah jawatankuasa bagi mengkaji dan mengemukakan cadangan reformasi perlembagaan unuk Tanah

Melayu.

Strategi Perikatan berjaya memikat hati Sultan Johor yang kemudian mengadakan mesyuarat dengan sultan-sultan pada 22 dan 23 Ogos 1954. Persidangan Raja-raja Melayu yang diadakan 21 Oktober 1954 telah bersetuju dengan cadangan UMNO mengenai keperluan menyemak semula perlembagaan Tanah Melayu dan dicadangkan sebuah Jawatankuasa dilantik dengan ahli-ahli yang kebanyakannya bersimpati dengan

UMNO termasuk Dato Abdul Razak, Naib yang Di pertua UMNO.

Pesuruhjaya Tinggi juga bertolak ansor dengan Perikatan dengan memberi jaminan bahawa ia akan berunding dengan parti yang menang bagi menentukan lima daripada tujuh ahli khas ( seven reserved Nominated Members seats) dalam Dewan Perundangan. Ini bermakna parti yang menangi Pilihanraya Persekutuan nanti

mempunyai kesempatan menentukan penyokong mereka akan dilantik bagi lima kerusi khas berkenaan. Jaminan Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British ini telah diterima oleh Perikatan dan mereka telah menamatkan pemulauan atau boikot. Kejayaan ini menyebabkan Perikataan dianggap sebagai juara dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan dan kedudukan politik Dato Onn semakin pudar.

Jalan ke arah kemerdekaaan masih belum jelas. Pada Mac 1955 Sir Anthony Eden, Setiausaha Luar (the Foreign Secretary), menyatakan Darurat menjadi halangan bagi Biritain untuk membawa Tanah Melayu ke arah berkerajaan sendiri. Ini bermakna Perikatan harus berusaha menamatkan darurat walau pun dengan jalan berunding dan mendapat kerjasama dengan PKM.

Dalam Pilihanraya yang diadakan pada 27 Julai 1955, Perikatan meletakan 52 calon dengan 35 calon UMNO, 15 MCA dan 2 MIC. Pembahagian kerusi ini dibuat tidak berdasarkan bilangan pengundi mengikut kaum. Peratusan pengundi yang berdaftar dalam tahun 1955 dianggarkan 84 peratus Melayu, 11 peratus Cina dan 5 peratus India.

Cuma dua kawasan Pilihanraya yang mempunyai pengundi majoriti bukan Melayu. Ini bermakna Perikatan meletakkan 17 colan bukan Melayu bertanding di kawasan Melayu. Manifesto Pilihanraya Perikatan inginkan kemerdekaan dalam masa empat tahun, meneruskan dasar pendidikan yang akan menjadikan Bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa rasmi, memalayanisasi perkhidmatan awam, dan menawarkan pengampunan (general amnesty) kepada PKM bagi menamatkan Darurat.

Perikatan UMNO-MCA-MIC mendapat kemenangan besar dengan menawan 51 daripada 52 kerusi yang dipertandingkan. Perikatan mendapat lebih daripada 81 undi popular. Parti Negara di bawah pimpinan Dato Onn tidak memenangi seberang kerusi. Walaupun Dato Onn meniupkan sentimen nasionalisme Melayu yang kuat dalam pilihanraya ini pengundi lebih tertarik dengan isu kemerdekaan. Pilihanraya ini menyaksi kemunculan Parti Islam Se Malaya (PAS) yang telah memenangi sebuah kerusi.

Berikutan dengan Pilihanraya ini "sistem ahli" telah di tukar kepada sistem kabinet. Tunku Abdul Rahman, selaku pemimpin Perikatan telah dilantik sebagai Ketua Menteri atau ketua kerajaan. Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British masih kekal sebagai ketua persekutuan dan mengekalkan kuasa mengesahkan undang-undang. Pemimpim-pemimpim Perikatan merasakan bahawa penganas Komunis harus diberi pengampunan bagi menggalakkan mereka menyerah diri dan menghentikan pemberontakan bersenjata. 

Komunis juga telah mengubah strategi perjuangan dengan melancarkan ofensif damai atau jalan perundingan. Pada Jun pemimpin-pemimpin Perikataan menerima surat bertarikh 1 Mei daripada PKM yang menyatakan bahawa tujuan perjuangan Tentera Pembebasan Bangsa Malaya (MRLA) untuk mendapatkan kemerdekaan bagi Malaya yang berperintahan demokrasi dan aman. 

PKM memberi bayangan bahwa mereka bersedia untuk menemui pihak kerajaan dan berunding bagi mewujudkan keamanan. Sebagai respons Tunku Abdul Rahman dan beberapa pemimpin Perikatan yang

lain mula menyokong idea untuk berunding dengan PKM. Keadaan ini menimbulkan kecemasan bagi pegawai-pegawai British daan Komanwel. Pesuruhjaya Tinggi memang sedar bahawa Perikatan dan PKM mempunyai satu matlamat yang sama iaitu untuk mengusir British dan mendapat kemerdekaan.

Ia berpendapat jika isu kemerdekaan dibincangkan "the Chief Minister may emerge from the meeting feeling that he has a closer identity of view (Oong,2000a:216)" PKM dan akan meningkatkan status Chin Peng. Status pegawai British pul akan merosot. Dengan demikian British mengambil keputusan untuk memberi kemerdekan pada 31 Ogos 1957 dengan menganggap isu Darurat bukan lagi menjadi halangan. Tunku pergi menemui Chin Peng dengan kemerdekaan sudah berada dalam tangan. Selepas Pertemuan Baling, Tunku mengetuai satu delegasi yang mengandungi empat wakil Perikatan dan empat wakil Sultan-sultan ke London untuk merundingkan kemerdekaan tanah Melayu. Mereka tiba dalam Januari 1956 dan berunding selama tiga minggu. British saperti yang dijangkakan akan memberikan kemerdekaan pada 31 Ogos 1957.

Kerajaan British telah melantik sebuah Suruhanjaya Komanwel (Commonwealth Commission) yang dikenali sebagai Reid Commision untuk membuat cadangan bagi perlembagaan masa hadapan Tanah Melayu. Commission ini mengandungi ahli-ahli termasuk Lord Reid sebagai Pengerusi, Sir Ivor Jennings ( united Kingdom), Sir William McKell (Australia), Mr. Justice Abdul Hamid (Pakistan), and Chief Justice B. Malik

(India). Suruhanjaya melawat dan memungut pandangan pada bulan Mei 1956.

Kedatangan Suruhanjaya ini meningkatkan lagi perasaan perkauman di antara penduduk-penduduk keturunan Melayu dan bukan Melayu terutama Cina kerana perbezaan kepentingan dalam tuntutan-tuntutan dan pandangan-pandangan mereka mengenai beberapa isu perlembagaan. Perikataan pada mulanya ingin menghantar satu memoranda juga menghadapi masaalah kerana tekanan-tekanan daripada pihak-pihak tertentu dalam kalangan organisasi-organisasi masing-masing: UMNO daripada masyarakat Melayu; MCA dengan masyarakat Cina dan MIC dengan masyarakat India.

Dewan-dewan perniagaan Cina dan persatuan-persauan sosial dan kebajikan Cina atau Hua Tuan menuntut supaya prinsip kewarganegaraan berasaskan jus soli yang ditentang kuat oleh masyarakat Melayu. Perikatan kemudian dapat bertolak-ansur mengenai isu ini yakni menerima prinsip jus soli tertangguh. Sesiapa yang dilahir pada atau selepas Merdeka akan diterima jadi warganegara secara otomatis.

Berdasarkan prinsip jus soli tertangguh ini hampir separoh daripada penduduk Cina yang membolehkan mereka menjadi pengundi dan memainkan peranan yang bermakna dalam kehidupan politik Tanah Melayu. Beberapa cadangan daripada UMNO atau masyarakat Melayu saperti kedudukan istimewa orang Melayu dikekalkan, agama Islam sebagai agama rasmi dan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Bahasa Kebangsaan dan Bahasa rasmi telah diterima dan menjadi sebahagian cadangan Perikatan. Perikatan menolak konsep dua kewarganegaraan.

Suruhanjaya Reid telah menyiapkan tugas merangka deraf perlembagaan Tanah Melayu pada Februari 1957. Deraf ini kemudian diteliti oleh sebuah Jawatankuasa Kerja tempatan yang mengandungi 11 ahli mewakili Sultan-sultan, Perikatan dan pegawai-pegawai British. Jawatankuasa Kerja membuat beberapa pindaan dan kemudian dibentangkan dalam Dewan Perundangan Persekutan pada 15 Ogos. 

Pada pukul 12 tengah malam 30 Ogos 1957 bendera Union Jack telah diturunkan dan Tunku Abdul rahman mengistiharkan kemerdekaan.

Rumusan

Tahun 1953 telah menyaksikan meningkatnya perjuangan politik yang berasaskan kerjasama antara kaum dan perjuangan ke arah kemerdekaan. Kumpulan-kumpulan politik dan gerakan nasionalis berbagai kaum bersama-sama menganjurkan dan menyertai persidangan antara kaum yang bertujuan meningkatkan keazaman bersama untuk menentukan dasar dan hala tuju politik Tanah Melayu.
Idea ini diambil dari resolusi Persidangan Sosialis Asia yang pertama di Rangoon yang diadakan pada 1953.

Mohamed Sopiee membawa pulang idea berkenaan yang menghasilkan Persidangan Kebangsaan atau National Conference dianjurkan oleh Menteri-menteri Besar dan IMP.
Idea ini juga menghasilkan persidangan kedua yang dikenali sebagai Konvensyen Nasional atau National Convention dianjurkan oleh Perikatan UMNO-MCA.. Pemimpin-pemimpin Melayu dan Cina sebagai diwakili oleh UMNO dan MCA telah berunding dan mencapai kata sepakat dalam menangani masalah hubungan kaum dan merapatkan kerjasama antara mereka.
Hasil daripada perbincangan dan pemikiran melalui pertemuan tidak formal UMNO dan MCA berjaya menganjurkan Konvensyen Nasional yang membuktikan kepada British bahawa Tanah Melayu telah bersedia untuk berdiri sendiri dan bersatupadu untuk membina sebuah negara bangsa baru yang dinamakan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan kemudian Malaysia.

Mupok Aku